Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton, May 11, 1863

Mr. Seward to Mr.
Dayton

Sir: Mr. Mercier has read to me, and at my
request has left with me, a copy of an instruction under the date of the
23d of April last, which he has received from Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys, and
which relates to exciting and interesting events in Poland that are now
engaging the serious attention of the principal States in Western
Europe.

Mr. Mercier has, at the same time, favored me with a copy of an
instruction relating to the same events which has been transmitted by
Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys to the ambassador of France at St. Petersburgh.

We learn from the first of these papers that the proceeding which has
thus been adopted at Paris with a view to the exercise of a moral
influence with the Emperor of Russia, has received the approbation and
concurrence of the court of Vienna and the cabinet at London, and that
the Emperor of the French, justly appreciating at one and the same time
our historical sympathy with the Poles, and our ancient friendship with
Russia, would be gratified
with a co-operation in that important proceeding by the government of
the United States.

Having taken the instructions of the President, I am now to communicate
our views upon the subject, for the information of Mr. Drouyn de
l’Huys.

This government is profoundly and agreeably impressed with the
consideration which the Emperor has manifested towards the United States
by inviting their concurrence in a proceeding having for its object the
double interests of public order and humanity. Nor is it less favorably
impressed with the sentiments and the prudential considerations which
the Emperor has in so becoming a manner expressed to the court of St.
Petersburgh. They are such only as appeal to the just emotions and best
sympathies of mankind. The enlightened and humane character of the
Emperor of Russia, so recently illustrated by the enfranchisement of a
large mass of the Russian people from inherited bondage, and the
establishment of an impartial and effective administration of justice
throughout his dominions, warrant a belief that the appeal will be
received and responded to by him with all the favor that is consistent
with the general welfare of the great state over which he presides with
such eminent wisdom and moderation.

Notwithstanding, however, the favor with which we thus regard the
suggestion of the Emperor of the French, this government finds an
insurmountable difficulty in the way of any active co-operation with the
governments of France, Austria, and Great Britain, to which it is thus
invited.

Founding our institutions upon the basis of the rights of man, the
builders of our republic came all at once to be regarded as political
reformers, and it soon became manifest that revolutionists in every
country hailed them in that character, and looked to the United States
for effective sympathy, if not for active support and patronage. Our
invaluable Constitution had hardly been established when it became
necessary for the government of the United States to consider to what
extent we could, with propriety, safety, and beneficence, intervene,
either by alliance or concerted action with friendly powers or
otherwise, in the political affairs of foreign states. An urgent appeal
for such aid and sympathy was made in behalf of France, and the appeal
was sanctioned and enforced by the treaty then existing of mutual
alliance and defence, a treaty without which it may even now be
confessed, to the honor of France, our own sovereignty and independence
could not have been so early secured. So deeply did this appeal touch
the heart of the American people, that only the deference they cherished
to the counsels of the Father of our Country, who then was at the
fullness of his unapproachable moral greatness, reconciled them to the
stern decision that, in view of the location of this republic, the
characters, habits, and sentiments of its constituent parts, and
especially its complex yet unique and very popular Constitution, the
American people must be content to recommend the cause of human progress
by the wisdom with which they should exercise the powers of
self-government, forbearing at all times, and in every way, from foreign
alliances, intervention, and interference.

It is true that Washington thought a time might come when, our
institutions being firmly consolidated and working with complete
success, we might safely and perhaps beneficially take part in the
consultations held by foreign states for the common advantage of the
nations. Since that period occasions have frequently happened which
presented seductions to a departure from what, superficially viewed,
seemed a course of isolation and indifference. It is scarcely necessary
to recur to them. One was an invitation to a congress of newly
emancipated Spanish American states; another an urgent appeal to aid
Hungary in a revolution aiming at the restoration of her ancient and
illustrious independence; another, the project of a joint guarantee of
Cuba to Spain in concurrence with France and Great Britain; and more recently, an
invitation to a co-operative demonstration with Spain, France, and Great
Britain in Mexico; and, later still, suggestions by some of the Spanish
American states for a common council of the republican states situated
upon the American continent. These suggestions were successively
disallowed by the government, and its decision was approved in each case
by the deliberate judgment of the American people. Our policy of
non-intervention, straight, absolute, and peculiar as it may seem to
other nations, has thus become a traditional one, which could not be
abandoned without the most urgent occasion, amounting to a manifest
necessity. Certainly it could not be wisely departed from at this
moment, when the existence of a local, although as we trust only a
transient disturbance, deprives the government of the counsel of a
portion of the American people, to whom so wide a departure from the
settled policy of the country must in any case be deeply
interesting.

The President will not allow himself to think for a single moment that
the Emperor of the French will see anything but respect and friendship
for himself and the people of France, with good wishes for the
preservation of peace and order, and the progress of humanity in Europe,
in the adherence of the United States on this occasion to the policy
which they have thus far pursued with safety, and not without advantage,
as they think, to the interests of mankind.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,