Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton, April 24, 1863

Mr. Seward to Mr.
Dayton

Sir: Your despatch of April 9, No. 297, has
been submitted to the President.

You have rightly interpreted to Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys our views concerning
the issue of letters of marque. The unrestrained issue of piratical
vessels from Europe to destroy our commerce, break our blockade of
insurrectionary ports, and invade our loyal coast, would practically be
an European war against the United States, none the less real or
dangerous for wanting the sanction of a formal declaration. Congress has
committed to the President, as a weapon of national defence, the
authority to issue letters of marque. We know that it is a weapon that
cannot be handled without great danger of annoyance to the rights of
neutrals and friendly commercial powers. But even that hazard must be
incurred rather than quietly submit to the apprehended greater evil.
There are now, as you must have observed, indications that that
apprehended greater evil may be averted through the exercise of a
restraining power over the enemies of the United States in Great
Britain. Hopeful of such a result, we forbear from the issue of letters
of marque, and are content to have the weapon ready for use if it shall
become absolutely necessary.

It gives me great pleasure to acknowledge that, beyond what we deem the
original error of France in recognizing, unnecessarily, as we think, the
insurgents as a belligerent, we have every reason to appreciate the just
and impartial observance of
neutrality which has been practiced in the ports and harbors of France
by the government of the Emperor. In any case it will be hereafter, as
it has been hitherto, a pleasing duty to conduct all our belligerent
proceedings so as to inflict no wrong or injury upon the government or
the people of the French empire.

You have also done the country a good service in explaining, in your
conversations with Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys, the manner in which we have
heretofore maintained our neutrality in foreign wars, by enforcing our
enlistment laws, which are in all respects the same as those of Great
Britain.

The President has received with much interest Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys’s
exposition of the policy of the French government in regard to the
insurrection in Poland. The Emperor of Russia seems to us to have
adopted a policy of beneficent reform in domestic administration. His
known sagacity and his good dispositions encourage a hope that Poland
will not be denied a just share of the imperial consideration if, as
seems now to be generally expected in Europe, the revolution attempted
by her heroic people shall be suppressed.

I do not care to speak often upon the war of France against Mexico. The
President confidingly believes that the Emperor has no purpose of
assuming, in the event of success, the government of that republic.
Difficult as the exercise of self-government there has proved to be, it
is, nevertheless, quite certain that the attempt to maintain foreign
authority there would encounter insurmountable embarrassment. The
country possesses immense, practically inexhaustible, resources. They
invite foreign labor and capital from all foreign countries to become
naturalized and incorporated with the resources of the country and of
the continent, while all attempts to acquire them by force must meet
with the most annoying and injurious hindrance and resistance. This is
equally true of Mexico and of every portion of the American continent.
It is more than a hundred years since any foreign state has successfully
planted a new colony in America, or even strengthened its hold upon any
one previously existing here. Through all the social disturbances which
attend a change from the colonial state to independence, and the
substitution of the democratic for the monarchical system of government,
it still seems to us that the Spanish-American states are steadily
advancing towards the establishment of permanent institutions of
self-government. It is the interest of the United States to favor this
progress, and to commend it to the patronage of other nations. It is
equally the interest of all other nations, if, as we confidently
believe, this progress offers to mankind the speediest and surest means
of rendering available to them the natural treasures of America.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,