Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams, June 3, 1861

Mr. Seward to Mr.
Adams.

Sir: Your despatch of May 17 (No. 1) has been
received.

Your speech at Liverpool was equally prudent and happy. Your promptness
in passing through the town to the seat of government, although to be
regretted in some respects, is, in view of the circumstances,
approved.

Every instruction you have received from this department is full of
evidence of the fact that the principal danger in the present
insurrection which the President has apprehended was that of foreign
intervention, aid, or sympathy; and especially of such intervention,
aid, or sympathy on the part of the government of Great Britain.

The justice of this apprehension has been vindicated by the following
facts, namely:

• A guarded reserve on the part of the British secretary of
  state, when Mr. Dallas presented to him our protest against the
  recognition of the insurgents, which seemed to imply that, in
  some conditions, not explained to us, such a recognition might
  be made.
• The contracting of an engagement by the government of Great
  Britain with that of France, without consulting us, to the
  effect that both governments should adopt one and the same
  course of procedure in regard to the insurrection.
• Lord John Russell’s announcement to Mr. Dallas that he was not
  unwilling to receive the so-called commissioners of the
  insurgents unofficially.
• The issue of the Queen’s proclamation, remarkable, first, for
  the circumstances under which it was made, namely, on the very
  day of your arrival in London, which had been anticipated so far
  as to provide for your reception by the British secretary, but
  without affording you the interview promised before any decisive
  action should be adopted; secondly, the tenor of the
  proclamation itself, which seems to recognize, in a vague
  manner, indeed, but does seem to recognize, the insurgents as a
  belligerent national power.

That proclamation, unmodified and unexplained, would leave us no
alternative but to regard the government of Great Britain as questioning
our free exercise of all the rights of self-defence guaranteed to us by
our Constitution and the laws of nature and of nations to suppress the
insurrection.

I should have proceeded at once to direct you to communicate to the
British government the definitive views of the President on the grave
subject, if there were not especial reasons for some little delay.

These reasons are, first, Mr. Thouvenel has informed our representative
at Paris that the two governments of Great Britain and France were
preparing, and would, without delay, address communications to this
government concerning the attitude to be assumed by them in regard to
the insurrection. Their communications are hourly expected.

Second. You have already asked, and, it is presumed, will have obtained,
an interview with the British secretary, and will have been able to
present the general views of
this government, and to learn definitely the purposes of Great Britain
in the matter, after it shall have learned how unsatisfactory the action
of the British government hitherto has been to the government of the
United States.

The President is solicitous to show his high appreciation of every
demonstration of consideration for the United States which the British
government feels itself at liberty to make. He instructs me, therefore,
to say that the prompt and cordial manner in which you were received,
under peculiar circumstances arising out of domestic afflictions which
had befallen her Majesty and the secretary of state for foreign affairs,
is very gratifying to this government.

A year ago the differences which had partially estranged the British and
the American people from each other seemed to have been removed forever.
It is painful to reflect that that ancient alienation has risen up again
under circumstances which portend great social evils, if not disaster,
to both countries.

Referring you to previous instructions, and reserving further directions
until we shall have your own report of the attitude of the British
government as defined by itself for our consideration,

I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,