Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward, January 16, 1863

Mr. Adams to Mr.
Seward.

Sir: I have this moment received a large
deputation of the executive committee of the Emancipation Society, who
have, through their president, presented to me a series of resolutions
adopted by them, which I am requested to transmit to the President of
the United States. Some remarks were made by the chairman and several
distinguished members of the committee, to which I returned a brief reply. A report of the same
will probably appear in the newspapers to-morrow, a copy of which I
shall endeavor to forward.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

[Untitled]

At a meeting of the executive committee of the Emancipation Society,
specially convened at 65 Fleet street, London, on the 15th of
January, 1863, it was unanimously—

Resolved, That this committee, constituted
without respect to political party or social distinctions for the
development of British anti-slavery feeling, has learned with
profound satisfaction the issue, on the 1st of January, of President
Lincoln’s promised proclamation, declaring the freedom of all
persons held as slaves in the States or parts of States in rebellion
against the United States.

That the President’s injunction to the persons declared free to
abstain from violence, except in self-defence, and to accept
reasonable terms of hired service, with the offer of military
employment under the United States government, is an effectual
rebuke to the imputation that servile war was contemplated by the
proclamation, or that the liberated negro would be left to
starvation and to crime.

That this committee recognizes in the limitation of that declaration
of freedom to the districts so described no indifference on the part
of the President and his cabinet to the injustice and evil of
slavery in other districts of the Union, but an act of submission to
the Constitution, and of faithful regard to their official
oaths.

That this committee also connects with this proclamation of freedom,
under the authority of martial law, the offer of compensation to
loyal slaveholders for the loss of their slaves, and that great
scheme of emancipation submitted to Congress in the message of
December 1, 1862, as an amendment to the Constitution.

That these acts taken together, and with them other measures tending
to the freedom and equality of the subject race, inspire this
committee with hearty confidence in the anti-slavery purposes of the
United States government.

That this committee, therefore, offers to President Lincoln and his
ministers, through their representative in this country, its warmest
congratulations upon the auspicious aspect they have given to this
new year, and joins with the President in invoking for these acts of
freedom, justice, and mercy, “the considerate judgment of mankind
and the gracious favor of Almighty God.”

By order of the committee,

Mr. Moran to Mr. Seward.

Sir: I have the honor, under directions
from Mr. Adams, to forward herewith a slip from the Morning Star of to-day, giving a report of
the reception by him of a deputation composed of members of the
executive committee of the London Emancipation Society, whose
address, approving of the President’s proclamation, he had the honor to transmit with
his despatch (No. 299) of yesterday’s date.

I am also directed to inform you that another address, from a meeting
of seven hundred citizens of Salford, in Lancashire, has been
received, but too late for transmission this week.

I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your obedient
servant,

The President’s proclamation.

Deputation to the American
Minister.

Yesterday afternoon a deputation from the executive committee of the
Emancipation Society waited on his excellency the American minister,
at the embassy in Portland place, for the purpose of presenting him
with a resolution, agreed upon at a special meeting of the
committee, approving of President’s Lincoln’s proclamation.

Among the gentlemen composing the deputation were the Hon. and Rev.
Baptist Noel, M. A.; P. A. Taylor, esq., M.P.; Mr. Benjamin Scott,
F.R.S.A., chamberlain of London; Rev. Newman Hall, LL.D.; Rev. R.
Everest; Rev. J. H. Rylance; Mr. William Evans, chairman of the
Emancipation Society; Mr. Edmond Beales, barrister-at-law; Mr.
William Shaen, M. A.; Messrs. W. Hargreaves, Jacob Bright, H. J.
Slack, James Beal, J. Gorrie, Harry Taylor, Washington Wilks, F. W,
Chesson, (hon. sec.,) A. H. Dymond, W. Farmer, R. Moore, &c,
&c.

Mr. Evans appropriately introduced the deputation, after which Mr.
Chesson read the resolution as follows:

“That this committee, constituted without respect to political party
or social distinctions, for the development of British anti-slavery
feeling, has learned with profound satisfaction the issue, on the
1st of January, of President’s Lincoln’s proclamation, declaring the
freedom of all persons held as slaves in the States or parts of
States in rebellion against the United States government.

“That the President’s injunction to the persons declared free to
abstain from violence except in self-defence, and to accept
reasonable terms of hired service, with the offer of military
employment under the United States government, is an effectual
rebuke to the imputation that servile war was contemplated by the
proclamation, or that the liberated negro would be left to
starvation and to crime.

“That this committee recognizes in the limitation of that declaration
of freedom to the districts so described no indifference on the part
of the President and his cabinet to the injustice and evil of
slavery in other districts of the Union, but an act of submission to
the Constitution and of faithful regard to their official oaths.

“That this committee also connects with this proclamation of freedom,
under the authority of martial law, the offer of compensation to
loyal slaveholders for the loss of their slaves, and that great
scheme of emancipation submitted to Congress in the message of
December 1,1862, as an amendment to the Constitution

“That these acts taken together, and with them other measures tending
to the freedom and equality of the subject race, inspire this
committee with hearty confidence in the anti-slavery purposes of the
United States government.

“That this committee, therefore, offers to President Lincoln and his
ministers, through their representative in this country, its warmest
congratulations upon the auspicious aspect they have given to this
new year; and joins with the President in invoking for these acts of
freedom, justice, and mercy, ‘the considerate judgment of mankind
and the gracious favor of Almighty God.”

Mr. Taylor, M. P., expressed the great pleasure he felt at the course
the American government had lately taken in regard to slavery. That
course would greatly enlighten the people of this country, many of
whom had been misled as to the origin and results of the war.
Slavery had been one of the causes which had sown dissension between
the two countries. He, therefore, believed that the proclamation
would not only tend to the entire abolition of slavery and the
continuance of the Union, but that it would greatly conduce to a
lasting peace between England and America. (Hear.)

The Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel said he cordially approved of Mr.
Lincoln’s policy. He had observed Mr. Lincoln’s honest intention to
maintain the Constitution on the one hand, and to do what the
Constitution allowed on the other, for the liberation of the slave.
The President had used the war power which had been put into his
hands, and he (Mr. Noel) hoped that, under God’s blessing, it might
be the means of bringing the rebellion to a close. In abstaining
from taking the same course in the border loyal States, he
recognized the President’s submision to the Constitution. But he
(Mr. Noel) hoped and trusted the loyal States would accept the
liberal offer which the government had made; and that, ere long,
America would be free from the stain of slavery. (Applause.)

The Rev. Newman Hall said the opinion of this country on the American
struggle had been greatly misrepresented. The leading newspapers,
which were supposed to represent public opinion, really did not
represent the feelings of the masses. Many of the upper and middle
classes had been misled on the question, but the working classes had
not. No meetings had been called in support of slavery, while the
meetings that had been held against it had been of the most
triumphant character. All the opposition that had been attempted had
been an utter failure. He would just give one illustration of the
inconsistency of those who misrepresented public opinion. In the Times of the day before there had been a
leading article, in the first paragraph of which the President had
been condemned, on the high ground of philanthropy, for not issuing
the proclamation, while in the next paragraph he had been condemned
for what he had done, on the ground that he had invaded the
Constitution. Now, when one paragraph in a leading journal
contradicted another he did not think there was much danger that the
great body of the people would fall into error on the question.
(Hear.)

Mr. Jacob Bright said he concurred in what had already been said. In
Lancashire, where they should find opposition to the continuance of
the war, if they were to find it anywhere, the working classes were
almost unanimously in favor of the North. He had seen the question
tested in Rochdale and many other places, and in these places he had
seen a strong, warm, and earnest feeling in favor of emancipation
displayed. (Approbation.)

His excellency Mr. Adams then replied in the following terms:

Gentlemen: I receive this expression of the
sentiments of so respectable a body with great pleasure and great
satisfaction. I need not say how encouraging such manifestations
will be to those persons in my country represented by the President
of the United States, who have been driven into the necessity of
maintaining such a painful struggle as has been carried on by them
in America, in devotion to great principles of public law and public
order. I am very much encouraged by the circumstance that there is
growing here, and in Europe generally, a better conception than has
heretofore prevailed of the principles involved in the struggle. The
election of Mr. Lincoln was a great declaration of the majority of the people of the United
States in favor of the principle of human freedom. The signification
of it was that the persons then elected to places of responsibility
should be so far imbued with that principle as that, while they
carried on the government in the spirit of freedom, they should at
the same time avoid the necessity of a struggle of physical force.
It was the conviction, on the part of the opponents of that policy,
that the result would be as certain by that process, though perhaps
much slower, that drove them into the desperate measure of stopping
it at the threshold by violence. The consequence was that the
government was attacked at its very foundations. The struggle to
preserve it has been going on from that time to this. If, therefore,
there has been what might otherwise be thought extraordinary haste
and precipitate energy in any of the measures which have been taken
by the government, it has not been owing so much to any will of
their own, as to the fact that the violence of the resistance has
caused the necessity for them. I think the idea which it is
desirable to present distinctly is this: that the struggle has been
one of self-defence against the aggressive system that was
threatening destruction to the whole edifice of government as it
stood, for the reason that it was too favorable to freedom. And with
regard to this proclamation, the desire on the part of the President
of the United States has been, as I conscientiously believe, not to
hasten the measure of emancipation any faster than popular sentiment
in the slave States would demand, nor any faster than the emergency
should dictate; or, in other words, simply so to act as to prevent
those very convulsions which war is too apt to precipitate.
Therefore, in all matters incidental to the maintenance of his
policy, regard has been steadily had to the possible avoidance of
those dangers of servile war which necessarily must have been
foreseen by all thoughtful persons during the contest. Therefore,
whilst always keeping in view the ultimate consequences of this most
remarkable, and, I may say, unprecedented struggle, I trust that the
great results which we all hope to arrive at will be eventually
reached, not perhaps immediately, not perhaps to-day or to-morrw, or
the next day, but ultimately, by a steady perseverance in one
course, which may force the consent of all parties, and yet avert
the fearful consequences which we might naturally apprehend. I am
extremely gratified in the assurances which have been given by
several gentlemen with respect to the state of popular feeling in
England on this subject. I have myself had occasion to notice the
fact, that although some of the exponents of the public sentiment
have appeared to be at times exceedingly harsh upon the United
States, yet that when opportunity offered for an appeal to the
people themselves, that the sentiment has uniformly responded to the
policy which the United States government have enunciated. I am,
therefore, encouraged to hope that the clouds which have heretofore
gathered, and at times somewhat portentously, over the amicable
relations of the two countries have now more and more the appearance
of vanishing from the sky. I feel sanguine that the expression of
sympathy from here, which I have been lately the medium of
repeatedly communicating to my countrymen, will have the effect of
clearing away many impressions that may have been received by
reading the attacks of hostile journals, and taking them too much as
the true expression of the sentiment of the people. I think, by
understanding distinctly—which they will now have the opportunity of
doing—that the policy of Great Britain is not retrograde on the
subject of slavery, wherever it may yet exist, and that it is true
to the former pledges it so nobly gave to the world of its devotion
to the principle of human freedom—the growing conviction of that
fact will have the effect in America of restoring those amicable
relations and reviving those warm sentiments which ought to be
entertained between the two kindred people at all times. Gentlemen,
I shall not longer detain you. I will just say that I shall have
pleasure in communicating to my government a knowledge of the
sentiments which have been expressed here by you to-day.

The deputation then thanked his excellency for the courtesy with
which he had. received them, and withdrew.