Circular of Mr. Von Thile., October 19, 1870.

Circular of Mr. Von Thile.

I herewith most respectfully transmit to your excellency copies of—

1. The circular note which I addressed, in relation to the safety of communication with, from, and in Paris, on the 26th of last month, to the representatives of neutral states accredited to that court.

2. A joint note from members of the diplomatic corps at Paris, to the chancellor of the union, dated the 6th instant, in which it is requested that a weekly mail may be sent from Paris.

3. The reply to the same, addressed to the papal nuncio in Paris, together with the correspondence therein mentioned between Mr. Jules Favre and Count Bismarck.

4. The note by which the aforesaid documents are communicated to those governments whose representatives took part in the step mentioned, (sub. 2,) either directly or through the mediation of our diplomatic agents.

I take the liberty, most respectfully, to request your excellency to be pleased to present all these documents, as confidential information, to the government to which you have the honor to be accredited.

The inclosed duplicates of the annexes are intended for the archives of the legation.

[Untitled]

The collateral evils and dangers arising from the war must have convinced the most obstinate believers in a policy of isolation how universally the security of Europe is affected by a conflict between two of its greatest powers. The general sympathy of England with a just cause failed to conciliate the good will of the Prussian government or of the German army and nation. During the Crimean war arms and munitions of war had been freely exported from Prussia to Russia; and recently rifled cannon and ammunition have been furnished to the French in enormous quantities, not only by private American traders, but by the War Department at Washington. The North German government has expressly forbidden its consul at New York to interfere with the traffic in arms, and the relations of the confederation with the United States are friendly and even intimate; yet a comparatively insignificant exportation of arms from England to France has served as a pretext for repeated protests. In his first complaint on the subject Count Bernstorff, conscious of the legal weakness of his case, invented a new doctrine of benevolent neutrality which ought, as he contended, to have been observed by England. Lord Granville, in a dispatch equally courteous and conclusive, showed, with little difficulty, that as benevolence to one belligerent could only be exercised at the expense of the other, Count Bernstorft’s proposed rule for the conduct of neutrals involved a contradiction in terms; yet the complaint was repeated in stronger language, although the new paradox was retracted; and it was difficult to avoid a suspicion that Count Bismarck had some political reason for displaying coldness to England. The conjecture seemed to be confirmed when, in the middle of November, the Russian government suddenly issued a circular audaciously repudiating a principal clause in the Paris treaty of 1856.

[Translation.]

austrian dispatch.

The much talked-of dispatch of the chancellor of the empire, Count Beust to Count Wimpffen, the Austrian ambassador at Berlin, (Vienna, December 26, 1870,) is as follows.

The royal Ambassador of Prussia has sent me the repeatedly promised communication of his government in relation to the unification of Germany. Inclosed your excellency will find a copy of the dispatch in question. I was able to inform your excellency in my dispatch of the 5th instant, immediately after the first indications of General von Schweinitz, regarding the expected declaration of the royal Prussian government, what general points we should consider as the leading ones, and as those by which our view was to be governed. Being now in possession of the document, I am able fully to confirm all that I said at that time. This is moreover the case with regard to a point in respect to which, apparently at least, our views do not perfectly coincide with those of the royal Prussian government. In my dispatch of the 5th instant, I could not avoid adverting to the desirableness, according to our view of the case, of avoiding as far as possible any discussion of the peace of Prague, in view of the present interchange of opinion with Prussia and with a view to the object which both parties are equally desirous of accomplishing.

The royal Prussian government thought proper in its communication of the 14th instant to touch upon this question, and although we willingly acknowledge the friendly disposition with which reference was made to the peace of Prague, we consider it better not to make use of the material which is thereby offered for a diffuse explanation, and to adhere to our opinion that it is to the interest of both parties to avoid a discussion of this kind. Indeed, we do not at this moment, consider it desirable for formal interpretations of material legitimate demands to be made a subject of the discussion. We would rather see in the unification of Germany under the leadership of Prussia, an act of historical significance, a fact of the highest importance in the modern development of Europe, and in accordance therewith, form our opinions concerning the relations, which are to be founded and strengthened between the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the new political creation on our borders. From this stand-point it can only afford me high satisfaction, while awaiting the further communications from the royal Prussian government which have been promised, now to state that the sincere wish prevails in all leading circles of Austro-Hungary to maintain the best and most friendly relations with the powerful state whose establishment is now to be completed. This wish is based upon the conviction that an impartial consideration and appreciation of present requirements will have the best and most salutary effect upon both countries, and will unite them in peace and in earnest co-operation for the tasks of the present and future.

In regard to this, the royal Prussian government has only anticipated the expression of our own sentiments, in alluding to our common past, and in expressing the hope that Germany and Austro-Hungary will regard each other with feelings of mutual good will, and that they will aid each other in the promotion of their common welfare and prosperity.

We think that we have every reason to feel confident that a wide field is to be opened at once for the realization of these pleasing expectations, a field in which a community of wishes and of action may become a pledge of permanent harmony for both countries, and a guarantee of lasting peace for Europe. The fact must fill us with great satisfaction, however, that these feeling of the people of Austro-Hungary find a sovereign protector and promoter in the person of His Majesty the Emperor and King, our most gracious master. His Majesty will view the sublime memories which connect his dynasty, in the glorious history of centuries, with the destinies of the German people, with the warmest sympathy for the further development of that nation, and with the sincere wish that it may find, in the new form of its political existence, the true guaranties of a happy future, both as regards it own welfare and that of the empire, which is so closely related to it by historical tradition, language, customs, and laws.

Your excellency will bring these remarks to the notice of the royal Prussian secretary of state, and will furnish him with a copy of the same, if he desires it.

Receive, &c.