Charles Francis Adams to William H. Seward, May 8, 1862

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

Sir: I have received from the department despatches numbered from 228 to 236, both inclusive, and a circular dated the 17th of March rescinding the new rules of last year respecting passports.

I feel under great obligation to you for the information furnished to me of the present condition of the war in your despatch No. 228, and for the map which accompanied it. I propose to read the substance of it to Lord Russell, for his information, should I find an opportunity at a conference which he has appointed for 3 o’clock to-morrow to open a different question— that of the Stadt dues.

I transmit a copy of a note received from his lordship, of the 6th instant, in reply to mine, on the case of the steamer Labuan. If I was at a loss to comprehend the reason of the representation volunteered to me on that subject, I am still more so to divine the cause for the turn now given to the correspondence.

I have felt it my duty to point out the nature of the position which he has taken in as subdued a tone as I can command. Feeling that I am engaged in the responsible duty of making up a solemn issue between the two countries in one of the most momentous struggles of modern times, I am anxious to choose the ground with great care, so that I may hold it with firmness throughout the possible embarrassments that may supervene. A copy of my reply to his lordship accompanies this despatch.

I am obliged to confess that I watch the course of events in this country with growing distrust. The rapid increase of the distress in Lancashire is developing a state of feeling towards the United States which seeks but an opportunity to find public expression. Representations are making to the commissioners of the poor law board, soliciting the interposition of government to grant relief, which place the ministry in an extremely difficult situation. Not possessed of strength in the House of Commons to carry through measures of their own, they feel themselves in danger of an overthrow in any alternative, whether they do or do not come forward. Should it so happen that their weakness threatens to draw down upon itself a large share of popular indignation, it would not at all surprise me if I were to witness a very sudden change of tone, and an eagerness to precipitate an issue with the United States on the blockade. It is in this light that I read these two late notes of Lord Russell.

I continue strong in the belief that the progress of the campaign will show more and more clearly the folly of attempting interference. At present the momentary slackening in our progress has revived the hopes of the friends of the insurgents, and they are straining every nerve to furnish aid against the impending crisis. I enter into no details, being well aware that they are supplied in abundance from other sources. Of course, we watch the arrival of every steamer with the greatest interest. The course of M. Mercier is observed here with much attention, and awakens many hopes. I infer that he could not have taken it without communication with you, as such a step without it could hardly be justified by any precedent of diplomatic proprieties that is to be found recorded in the books. There is a project afloat of a joint representation of the powers of Europe, which may assume some kind of shape should the struggle be prolonged.

I confess it is a trial of patience to witness the extraordinary manner in which the nations of this hemisphere undertake to constitute themselves the judges of our affairs. One would imagine that their experience of the effects of the same tendency in regard to France in 1792 would have cured them of all such fancies ever after. Firmly believing that these events are ordered to the ultimate development of great moral results, I am content to master the present anxieties and calmly to await the issue.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,