Charles Francis Adams to Right Hon. Earl Russell, January 19, 1864

Mr. Adams to Earl Russell.

My Lord: I have the honor to submit to your consideration a copy of what purports to be the annual report of Mr. S. E. Mallory, the person who is known to be officiating at Richmond as director of the naval operations of the insurgents in the United States. Although this paper has been received only in the form here presented, I entertain little doubt that, in substance, it may be relied on as authentic.

If this be once assumed, I am sure I need not point out to your lordship the great importance of the admissions therein made of the systematic violation of the neutrality of her Majesty’s kingdom, which it has for a length of time been my chief labor to make apparent. This report boldly assumes the responsibility for the action, both in Great Britain and France, in the construction and outfit of powerful war vessels in their ports for the use of the insurgents in carrying on war from those countries against the United States. In this particular there can be found little or nothing in the allegations made by me in the notes which I have heretofore had the honor to address to you on this subject, however strong their language, that is not fully sustained by this paper.

Furthermore, there appears to be an avowal with similar frankness of the expediting of twenty-seven so-called commissioned officers and forty trustworthy petty officers from Richmond to the British provinces, with orders to organize an expedition from thence, in co-operation with so-called army officers, to make war on the northern adjoining border of the United States. Of the fact that such an enterprise was actually undertaken your lordship is already well apprised. This paper does not hesitate to confess that, although so cunningly contrived to operate from a known neutral territory as a base, it has failed because the British provincial authorities gave information to the government of the United States in season to render it abortive.

Lastly. In connexion with these two explicit avowals, the same authority announces that another courier has been despatched with instructions which will shortly be made apparent to the enemy nearer home, which declaration, construed by later events, may be fairly understood to allude to the directions under which the persons employed to perpetrate the piracy and murder committed on board of the steamer Chesapeake proceeded in that enterprise, making the British provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia the base of their Criminal operations to and fro.

In laying this information before your lordship, I am directed to convey the opinion of my government that the proof thus furnished is sufficient to remove all doubt that may as yet be lingering over the objects, character, and designs of the builders of the steam-rams, now under detention in the ports of this kingdom, upon the strength of former representations which I have had the honor to make to her Majesty’s government.

Secondly. Whilst readily acknowledging on the part of my government the friendly services of the British provincial authorities in the case referred to, I am instructed to solicit your lordship’s attention to the fact that a toleration within this kingdom or any of its dependencies of the practices of the insurgents, since they have been so openly published to the world, and after the knowledge of them now communicated, would be not simply inconsistent with neutrality, but equivalent to a permission to the enemies of the United States to make war against them from the British shores.

Thirdly. I am further directed, respectfully, to represent that the toleration of these armed enemies of the United States, whilst known to be carrying on these hostile practices, now fully revealed within the British realm and its dependencies, without restraint of any kind, cannot be regarded as an exercise of the unquestioned right of sheltering political exiles, but rather as equivalent to permitting them to abuse that right for the purpose of more effectually availing themselves of British and and co-operation, now notoriously given them, in waging war with a country with which Great Britain is at peace.

Fourthly. It is the deliberate conviction of my government that there has been and continues to be in all these proceedings a fixed purpose to plunge Great Britain into a war with the United States, in order to extricate the conspirators from the perilous embarrassments in which they have involved themselves. The tendency to produce that evil is so obvious that it would seem to call for the strongest and most persevering efforts of both countries to prevent it.

Fifthly. It has been the desire of my government, under the constant pressure of these annoyances which have so materially contributed to procrastinate the painful struggle, to bear itself in the spirit and in the manner best calculated to defeat this wicked design, without giving cause of offence or irritation to her Majesty’s government or to the British people.

The President sincerely wishes that he could suggest any adequate remedy for the deplorable state of things thus presented that is not inconsistent with the policy which Great Britain has pursued in regard to this insurrection. It must ever be his opinion that it has directly resulted, although unexpectedly and unintentionally on the part of her Majesty’s government, from the earliest steps taken in that policy. The speedy recognition of the insurgents at a moment when they were without navy, ports, courts, or coasts as a belligerent power on the ocean, was unquestionably construed by them, and ill-disposed British subjects conspiring with them, as an invitation to use British ports, ships, men, money, and coasts, so as to make themselves the naval power which they never could by any possibility become from their own unaided resources.

Indications of active co-operation in the designs of the insurgents have been all along but too painfully apparent in British communities. The evidences have already constituted a large part of the correspondence which I have had the honor to conduct with your lordship since the day of my arrival. And much more that I have been unable to put into official form has not escaped my observation. None of these movements, however, are likely to assume so dangerous a character as those which are perceived to originate, or to be encouraged, in territories coterminous with those of the United States, where the opportunities abound for aggressive and injurious acts, and the temptation as well as the power to retaliate is correspondingly strong. It must be manifest that this danger is one which my government can do no more to avert than it has already done. If it is to be prevented at all, it would seem that a resort to some measures of greater stringency than have as yet been taken is necessary on the part of her Majesty’s government.

In making in the most respectful manner these frank explanations of the difficulties under which the respective countries at present labor, I pray your lordship to believe that my government is desirous to act in a spirit of perfect friendliness, and with an earnest desire to confirm the most cordial relations between them. Having acquitted myself of the duty with which I have been charged, I propose for the present most respectfully to leave the whole subject to your lordship’s just consideration.

I pray your lordship to accept the assurances of the highest consideration with which I have the honor to be, my lord, your most obedient servant,