William H Seward to Charles Francis Adams, March 9, 1863
Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.
Sir: The recent capture and destruction of the Jacob Bell, with her cargo, valued at one and a half million, by the piratical steam vessel the Florida, fitted out and despatched from Liverpool, is regarded by the merchants in our seaports as indicating nothing less than a destruction of our national navigating interest, unless that calamity can be prevented by either the enforcement of the neutrality law of Great Britain, or the employment of an adequate force under commissions of marque and reprisal. Congress has conferred upon the President ample power for the execution of the latter measure, and the necessary arrangements for it are now engaging the attention of the proper departments. It is not without great reluctance that the President is coming to the adoption of that policy. But the preservation of the national life is a supreme necessity; and if there shall be no improvement in the condition of things to which I have adverted, the voice of the nation for the adoption of this last form of maritime war is likely to become unanimous and exacting. The President thinks the emergency sufficiently grave to justify me in asking you to seek, with as little delay as may be convenient, an interview with Earl Russell, in which you will confidentially make known to him the exact condition of affairs in the respect mentioned, and submit for his lordship’s consideration the inquiry whether her Majesty’s government cannot think it proper and possible to secure the adoption of some means to prevent effectually the further armament, equipment, and despatch of hostile vessels from British ports for the destruction of American commerce. The argument, as it is put in American commercial circles, is, that war is carried on against the United States by forces levied and despatched from the British islands, while the United States are at peace with Great Britain. Though we may regard this statement of the case as extravagant, if not altogether erroneous, it cannot be concealed that it has sufficient appearance of truth on this side of the ocean to render it necessary to protect our commerce by employing every possible means of defence. It is hardly necessary to say that the government of the United States means, in adopting this course, anything else rather than a demonstration upon the sentiment or sensibilities of Great Britain. It seeks only, in a calm and confidential though earnest manner, to prevent an alienation between the two countries, which must be deeply disastrous to both, while it would grieve and afflict the friends of constitutional government, of freedom and humanity, throughout the world. We have thought that we were securing a more considerate view of our rights in the councils of the British government with the consent of the British nation. We are therefore more earnestly and sincerely, than ever before, desirous to avoid new embarrassments with Great Britain. Her Majesty’s government will do us great injustice if they do not understand us as speaking solely tinder the influence of these just and generous sentiments.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
Charles Francis Adams, Esq., &c., &c., &c.