Letter

Wells Williams to William H. Seward, December 23, 1867

Mr. Williams to Mr. Seward

No. 2.]

Sir: I have the honor to inclose the translation of a circular dispatch, addressed to each of the foreign ministers in Peking by Prince Kung, informing them of the appointment of Mr. Burlingame as the envoy on behalf of the Chinese government to all the treaty powers, with a copy of my reply, (inclosures A, B.)

The arrangements connected with this appointment were all made in the ten days before Mr. Burlingame left Peking on the 25th ultimo, and after he had made and received his farewell visits with Prince Kung as United States minister, preparatory to going south for the winter; but it is probable that the prince and other high functionaries had long debated the propriety of the step, and Mr. Burlingame’s departure induced them to bring the matter to a point by selecting him as their representative. It marks, in a sensible manner, the progress made by this government in understanding and carrying out its reciprocal duties to the nations with whom it has treaty obligations. It is likewise a proof of high regard to him personally, that after an official intercourse of nearly six years the leading officers of this government should confide in him the advocacy of their highest interests at foreign courts. The ample powers given to him prove the importance that they attach to the embassy.

Associated with him are two Chinese commissioners named Chi-Kang and Sun Kia-kuh, who have been for several years employed in the foreign office as under secretaries, and are more conversant with foreign affairs than persons selected from higher posts would be. Two foreign secretaries have been attached to the mission, viz: J. McL. Brown, formerly assistant Chinese secretary to the British legation in Peking, and possessing an intimate acquaintance with the personnel and policy of the foreign office, who holds the place of first secretary; and Mr. Deschamps, a Fenchman, now in the employ of the Chinese customs, who has that of second secretary. The reasons for appointing two co-ordinate Chinese commissioners are given in the accompanying documents, (inclosures C, D, E,) and appear to me satisfactory. Six students are also to be attached to their suite, who expect to remain abroad to learn the English, French, and Russian languages.

The propriety and benefit of such a diplomatic mission has been repeatedly urged upon the Chinese government since the ratification of the treaties of Tientsin in 1859; and Prince Kung and his coadjutors have frequently discussed its importance and inquired about its details, since the residence of foreign ministers at the capital. They usually excused themselves as not ready to do as other nations did in this respect, while acknowledging its expediency. The mission of Ping to Europe last year was indicative of their willingness to follow these suggestions, and its results in making the way more clear are probably best seen in the present embassy. Some have not entirely approved of placing a foreigner at the head of it, but it seems to me to illustrate the practical character of this people to send as its representative one who would not be liable to the mistakes which would almost certainly be committed by the fittest and best educated native living. The prince and his associates begin to feel that, in order to maintain their position, they must, as he intimates in his dispatch, send envoys to personally state their case at foreign courts, explain their difficulties, and urge the reasons for their own policy; and they are convinced that none of their own body are qualified for this office. Their selection of Mr. Burlingame indicates their persuasion, therefore, that he will do for them better than they can yet do for themselves. The proposed revision of the treaties next year is likely to bring up for consideration many important subjects for discussion, and this has no doubt had its weight in deciding them to send him before those points are formally presented.

In order the better to appreciate the progress which this mission indicates on the part of this government, the terms of their envoy’s commission should be compared with the two missives sent from the Emperor to the President in 1858 and 1863, as replies to the letters of credence presented by Mr. Reed and Mr. Burlingame. The first was dated June 7, 1858, while negotiations were going on at Tientsin:

I, the august Emperor, wish health to the President of the United States.

Having received with profound respect the commands of Heaven to sway with tender care the entire circuit of all lands, we regard the people every where, within and without the wide seas, with the same humane benevolence. * * * The minister of the United States has now handed up the letter under reply, on opening which the expressions of respectful request still further manifest the same friendly feeling and cordial sentiments. In it you desire that the minister of the United States may reside near our court, but there are many things connected with such an arrangement which cannot be effected without difficulty. Hitherto the foreign envoys who have repaired to Peking have all come from those kingdoms which bring tribute, but the United Seates is numbered among friendly (i. e., not tributary) nations; and if, on arrival at court of her envoy, there should unluckily be any defect or untoward thing happen (about ceremonies) it might, we apprehend, seriously injure the present peaceful relations between our countries. Moreover, the middle kingdom has no ministers of her own residing in other kingdoms, and an arrangement of this kind should be mutual.

The minister of the United States is now at Tientsin, where he is negotiating with our high officers, and their intercourse has been mutually agreeable. As soon as their deliberations are concluded, he should return to Canton to attend to the commercial duties of his office as usual. This will tend to secure and perpetuate the present friendly feelings between our countries; and we think you, the President himself, will be highly pleased with such an arrangement.

The second was dated January 23, 1863, about two years after the foreign ministers had been settled in Peking:

His Majesty the Emperor of the Ta-tsing dynasty salutes his Majesty the President of the United States.

On the 25th day of the seventh moon the envoy, Anson Burlingame, having arrived in Peking, presented your letter, which, when we had read it, we found to be written in a spirit of cordial friendliness, [breathing] nothing but a desire for relations of amity that should ever increase in strength. Our heart was much rejoiced thereat, and the foreign office has been instructed to show all suitable attention to the envoy, A. Burlingame.

In virtue of the commission we have, with awe, received from Heaven to rule, all the world, native and foreigner, must be to us as one family, without distinction; and in our relations with man we must be thoroughly sincere in all things. May our friendly relations with the President henceforth increase in strength, and may both of us alike enjoy the blessings of peace. The attainment of such objects, we cannot doubt, would be most gratifying.

The difference in the spirit of these two papers indicates a better appreciation of its position on the part of the Peking government, which is even still more observable in the tenor of the reasons given for the appointment of their new envoy. The government of the United States will cordially approve of this step; and the Chinese evince their confidence in our peaceful intentions by selecting the representative of one of the youngest, thus to introduce the oldest of nations diplomatically to the others, as well as a desire to engage our co-operation in promoting their best interests. They still have much to learn respecting the duties which treaty stipulations demand of them, and respecting the privileges claimed by Christian nations; but their imperfect acquaintance with these points should, I think, serve as an argument for bearing with them, and giving them time to prepare for the inevitable changes rapidly coming on them, rather than forcing them immediately to introduce improvements, agencies, and schemes which they cannot manage by themselves, but imperfectly see the bearing of, and are not yet willing to commit entirely to foreign hands. In all the provinces of the empire Europeans are still unknown by sight to the mass of natives, who have a dreadful idea of their character and designs; and this ignorance is a great bar to the introduction of steamers, railroads, telegraphs, and machinery, which the authorities must bear in mind when considering their introduction.

The preservation of the autonomy of the Chinese empire will be hard enough amidst all the transforming and conflicting agencies of a mercantile, missionary, and political character now simultaneously pressing on it. But I have great hopes that these various agencies will be best understood by the people at large as they see their beneficial effects, for I can myself see many things the better among those portions brought into contact with foreigners during the years since the treaty of Nanking was signed, in 1842. I do not, however, mean to say that China should be told to wait, for instance, till she is ready for a railroad before a railroad is attempted, for the railroad itself will furnish its own best argument and proof; but that certain influential native classes, mercantile and political, should be so enlightened on these subjects that they are desirous to introduce them. Until this is the case in some measure, foreign nations will fail to compel their acceptance except by force; and the very urgency to have them adopted will rather be taken to cover some other design, and the difficulties be increased.

In view of the present aspect of their position, the leading statesmen of China have voluntarily arranged this mission to represent them abroad, and I hope they will have no cause to regret it.

The results can hardly fail to have a lasting influence upon their future policy and standing among the nations of the earth.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

S. WELLS WILLIAMS.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Sources
FRUS u2014 Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the Third Session of the Fortiet View original source ↗
U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian. Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the Third Session of the Fortiet.