WEITZEL, Major General Commanding to Brevet Colonel C. H. Whittlesey, January 25, 1866

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Sir: I forward to you, indorsed, one of the most remarkable documents that I have ever seen. I would have returned it at once had I not perceived that its effect is clearly to produce a false impression in foreign countries, and because it is signed by names that have always been considered here eminently respectable. It is only a few days since that I sent to General Sheridan, upon his order, a history of violations of neutrality that were committed on the other side of the river during our recent war. I sent sufficient proof to convince any one, and I can bring an enormous quantity more if required, that nearly all of the firms, if not all of them, whose names are affixed to the enclosed document, supplied the rebels with arms, ammunition and clothing, and everything else that was contraband and not contraband of war. I sent proof that the American steamer Ike Davis was captured by a band organized in Bagdad and run into Indianola and there sold. That one of the parties who committed this outrage openly boasted of it in the streets of Matamoras.

I sent proof that the American schooner Florence Bearce was burnt by parties that left Bagdad, although at the time she was reported to be lying in Mexican waters.

I sent proof that upon the receipt of the news of the death of our lamented President mock graves were dug and mock funerals held in the streets of Matamoras and Bagdad.

I sent other proof showing that some particular firms, whose names are attached to the enclosed document, committed particular violations of neutrality. I would have sent much more. I hear more every day, and by a capture only yesterday of rebel records I can increase this proof to an enormous extent. But I sent only as much as I did because I became disgusted with the duplicity, deceitfulness, and rascality which the investigations develop. I have seen with my own eyes storehouses that were nearly filled with shoes and blankets intended for the rebels, and owned by some of the signers of this wonderful document. It is notorious that some of the vice-consuls, if not all of them, whose seal is attached to the enclosed paper were engaged in contraband trade with the rebels Yet, notwithstanding all these things were transpiring, did ever any of these gentlemen sign a protest against these outrages? There is no record of any. Having suffered severe losses by the sudden collapse of the rebellion, and through their confidence in the success of the rebel cause, and knowing that the officers and soldiers here were a part of the army that produced that collapse, they turn upon us now with bitter invective, and vent their spleen because, forsooth, we will not permit ourselves to be used by them as police officers, or detectives, to Emperor Louis Napoleon, or Maximilian either. I do not understand this to be the object for which I or my comrades are placed here, and therefore do not, nor permit my command to act as such. The sixth resolution presented by these mercants explains the secret of the troubles they complain of. They have not sufficient troops to preserve the communications for trade, or even to guard the smaller towns, and instead of distinctly laying the blame at the feet of the power which they profess so much to admire, they turn upon us.

Their first resolution merits my remarks only so far as it implies that all the power which the liberal forces on the frontier have springs directly from us. For months before we came here their trade communications were insecure. All over Mexico to-day, I am told, all the communications are either cut off or are hazardous, and by forces acting under President Juarez, whose power these gentlemen pretend so much to despise. I know that our arrival and presence here have given the liberals much moral support, and some of my officers or men may have, unknown to me, given material aid. But for these things I cannot be held responsible. I cannot control the private feelings of my officers and men; neither can my government be held responsible for this. But, did not the advent of the French and Austrians give the rebels equally as much moral support? I have already forwarded enough evidence to show these same merchants gave them as much material support as the rebel cotton would buy. The second resolution is an untruth from beginning to end, excepting so much as says that I have given, in the name of my government, repeated assurances that I desired to observe strict neutrality, and had so ordered my command to do. The third resolution is answered in my reply to the second. The fourth resolution is untrue in many respects. I have arrested all of those that were engaged in the pillage and capture of Bagdad, who have thus far been identified. I have a commission now in session to investigate the whole affair, and have, to the best of my knowledge and ability, and in accordance with law, taken every step that I could to remedy every evil complained of in this resolution, as my official records show. No one deplores this outrage more than I do. No one condemns it more than I do, and my action has been accordingly. But should not an equal amount of blame of this outrage be thrown upon that power which guards so important a point as Bagdad with so insignificant a force, that a small band of filibusters can capture and pillage it? Or do these gentlemen think it my duty to guard their towns and goods? I have disavowed the capture and pillage of Bagdad. It was not known to me until 12 o’clock on Friday, the 5th instant. I know that my government will disavow it. I placed the town in the hands of no one. I found it on Sunday, the 7th instant, in possession of a part of the same garrison which held it the Sunday previous. They were all newly-converted “liberals,” under well-known liberal commanders. If this garrison had not proved false to its colors, I would have found it in imperial possession. Am I responsible because the garrison deserted and proved false? Why, no longer ago than yesterday the garrison consisted entirely of newly-converted liberals. All the measures in the fifth resolution that are by these merchants considered necessary to be taken by us have been taken. The sixth resolution tells the whole story. They admit there that the imperialists have not given them sufficient protection; yet they blame us for the evils resulting therefrom. The seventh resolution shows that the insertion of this whole document is to create an erroneous impression abroad. The whole document seems to me to be the fabrication of some blatant stay-at-home ex-rebel or disappointed cotton speculator. I believe that many of the gentlemen who signed it did not read it, as I can scarcely believe that some whose names are affixed would sign such a document. As it is to be so widely distributed, I have given every facility to have this published.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,