Vickers to Ulysses S. Grant, September 29, 1873

No. 87. Mr. Vickers to the President.

Sir: I have the honor herewith to transmit to your excellency certain documents relating to the question of a protectorate, to be assumed by the United States if thought advisable, and other papers of equal importance bearing upon this question, together with copies of treaties attempted to be made with the government of Santo Domingo, looking to the total exclusion of Americans and American influence in the West Indies. My promise to President Baez contemplated a personal interview in order that I might inform your excellency of the result of my observations in that country, and the temper, disposition, and, yearnings of the people. My ambition was, and is, to see your excellency and inform you about the questions involved in the inclosed correspondence, but owing to causes over which I had no control, and which rendered me powerless to act, as my own agent, have prevented me from the anticipated honor. However, as soon as my wife recovers from her sickness, so as to enable me to come on to Washington, if agreeable, I will be pleased to place myself at your orders. There are also some matters in connection with the company of American citizens who have leased the bay of Samana that, in my judgment, you should be informed upon, and which relate remotely to subject-matter of this letter.

I have the honor to be your excellency’s obedient servant,

Explanation.

This letter relates to the arrest of a Mr. Lafitte, who was implicated in a movement to overturn the government of President Baez. He was pursued, and fled to the protection of the English consulate, or what was for the occasion metamorphosed into the consulate * * from which he was forcibly taken by the government, and taken to Santo Domingo city to be tried. The consul made complaint to some naval officer, who compelled the government of Santo Domingo to return the offender to the protection of the English flag, and to salute it; after which he was taken to Hayti by the English war-vessel, and delivered to his friends on the border. At the time the government of Santo Domingo charged Mr. Hamburger, the British vice-consul at Puerto Plata, with being in active sympathy with the revolutionists—as all the English, official, and otherwise—which this letter proves. I saw and read the original letter and can state that the facts exist as represented in the accompanying document.

Inclosures in the foregoing.

• Mr. Gautier to Mr. Vickers, August 15, 1873, inclosing—
  • Proposed treaty between Hayti and Santo Domingo.
  • Remarks upon the proposed treaty.
  • Mr. Gautier to Mr. Montauban, August 11, 1873.
  • Mr. Gautier to Mr. Montauban, August 11, 1873.
• President Baez to President Grant, August 18, 1873.

B.—Remarks upon the proposed treaty.

Hayti solicits a treaty of peace with the Dominican republic, &c.

Such a treaty is the more simple and easy, in as much as it depends solely upon the will of its proposers. In fact, the Dominicans have never been invaders, even when the invasions of the Haytians have been most cruel and relentless. When there has been war between the two states, we, the Dominicans, have always been the party attacked, and have only defended ourselves.

Hayti desires such a treaty as may guarantee the independence of both republics, &c.

Dominican independence has been threatened by no other state than Hayti. Even now, at the very moment when they are asking the mediation of the representative of France, they send into our territory, on the northern frontier, the rebels Polanco, Luperon, and others, armed with Haytian guns and cannon from Juana Mendez, and, in order to protect them from our pursuit, they receive them in the fort of the same Juana Mendez, but one step from Le Massacre. Meanwhile, in the south, near Las Damas, in the commune of Neyba, our patrols rout a number of Haytians armed with Chassepot rifles and munitions of war from Hayti, some of which fell into our hands. When such things happen, is it possible to believe in the sincerity of a proposal for peace? Is this the good faith which should be observed in all human agreements?

The Samaná contract has made (it is said) a profound impression in France and elsewhere in Europe, &c.

We doubt whether France was at all surprised by it; because in her capacity as the moral protectress and faithful friend of the Dominican Republic, she has always been inclined to aid her in establishing her independence on a firmer basis against the invasions of the Haytians; and as Hayti has not yet renounced her plans of conquest and her hostile designs, to this and to nothing else was the Spanish annexation, accomplished by Santana, due; the plan for American incorporation and the treaty of Samaná were due to the same cause. These were measures which were devised for the purpose, if not of absolutely preserving our unconditional independence, at least in order to secure the lives and property of the natives of our republic against the knife and the machinations of Hayti, their most implacable enemy.

We deeply regret that we should be accused of uttering recriminations, because we have stated the facts as they took place; and that doubts should even be entertained on which side the scale ought to turn, on account of the supposition that there are faults on both sides. We should be glad to see those of the Dominican Republic pointed out, while those of Hayti are a matter of history. That is the reason why it would be so difficult to inspire this people with confidence in those whose bloody and devastating track, made at various times, can everywhere be seen. Their invasions, burnings, and murders in 1801, 1805, 1822, 1844, 1848, 1855, and all their outrages on our frontier up to the present time, are well known to all and need no comment.

The Dominican Republic desires peace, because it makes war upon none; but it wants a real peace, and as a proof thereof it would require first to see an act of neutrality and justice performed. Why does not Hayti, following our example, remove to the interior of her own territory the rebels who are now making war upon us under her patronage?

In speaking of our confidence in the French cabinet, we shall not proceed lightly, nor from mere caprice, but from a deep conviction of the generosity of the efforts which it has always made to strengthen the independence of the Dominican Republic. Let the acts of the empire be examined, and it will be seen what the Emperor Napoleon III did, at the time of the Franco-English mediation, for the accomplishment of that humanitarian project which was wrecked on the rock of Haytian obstinacy.

By way of recapitulation, I conclude where I commenced: if the Haytians desire peace, let them stop making war on us, and peace will be made.