[Translation.], September 11, 1866.
[Translation.]
INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
On the 22d of May last, the President of the Union addressed a message to the house of representatives submitting a contract for the sale of the reserves or remainder in the Panama railroad for its approval or adoption by congress as a basis for the discussion of that delicate subject, public opinion having for some time demanded the sale, but in such a manner as to meet the aspirations of patriotism.
The message pointed out the propriety of fixing a period within which bids should be received in Europe and America, and, in case better terms should not be offered the executive power should be authorized to conclude the contract definitively.
The contract had been entered into by our minister plenipotentiary in London with Mr. William Henry Cotterill, and it was stipulated that it would not be binding until sanctioned by the national congress.
The message was referred first to Señor Pablo Arosemena, and afterwards to Señor Manuel D. Camacho, as committees to report on the same, who made directly opposite reports, except that both agreed that the contract ought not to be ratified. The house postponed indefinitely the consideration of the reports, and proceeded to discuss a project proposed by Señors Polau, Herrera, and Navarete, for the establishment of a company composed of Colombian government and citizens for the redemption of the road, but no decision was reached.
This is the whole truth, a complete history of the facts as to the reserves.
But the editor of El Tiempo, who cannot be ignorant of them, asserts in the first editorial of the last number of that paper that “the Mosquera-Cotterill contract will soon take effect, because it already has the force of legal sanction, the seal of written right.” To be thus derelict to the truth before the country, and in this capital, two months scarcely having elapsed since the adjournment of congress, and when everything pertaining to this important affair has been published in El Diario Oficial, is putting a very light estimate on public opinion, and is an ignoring of the character of a truthful man and honest journalist.
And what has induced the editor of El Tiempo to make this false assertion? In divers articles, and particularly in that which bears the same title with this, he has shown himself the tenacious and implacable enemy of the present government of Panama. For this reason, animated by a subtle spirit, he puts forth the idea that the isthmus thinks of separating from the Colombian Union and of erecting itself into a Hanseatic republic, with the aid of the Panama Railroad Company and under the protection of the government of the United States of North America.
Thus it is, then, that the editor affirms, although he possesses no proof, that a great sensation has been wrought on the managers and employés of the railroad by the news (false news) that the national legislature had approved the London contract. Is the editor ignorant that the directory of the railroad company addressed the national executive making new propositions for securing the reserves, and that these propositions were submitted to the house of representatives? Does he not know that a few days before the adjournment of congress the President of the Union sent a message to the house on this subject? And is it owing to the like ignorance, also, that the editor of El Tiempo says that “the official clique of Panama oppresses the people of that State,” that its fear of secession proceeds directly and exclusively from a commercial and political alliance between the railroad company and the authorities of the State, and that these authorities “are losing their political power with the lapse of time and in obedience to the behests of justice—a frightful apparition for men who live on office as the mistletoe on the sap of other plants.”
This last assertion does not merit an answer, because many or all the citizens who take part in the administration of Señor Colunje have no need of public offices.
As to the approaching fall of the official clique in Panama, which glimmers before the editor s vision, I believe the wish is only father to the thought. But the clique will ever be grateful for the information.
And what ground is there for his saying that the desire of independence is cherished in the State of Panama, and that it has its origin with the Panama Railroad Company and the local authorities of that section of the republic? The editor affects to believe that the end to the immense gains of the company is the moving cause of the whole. And why? Solely on the supposition that the London contract has been approved, when the company knew very well that that contract was unworthy of being ratified as stipulated on its face. It, on the other hand, can afford to offer better terms.
And with regard to the present administration of Panama it is pretended that it also approached its end. It is true, the honest and truly liberal administration of Señor Jil Colunje will end by law on the 30th instant; but he will be succeeded by Señor Vicente Olarte, whose republican principles, patriotism, and probity cannot leave even the editor of El Tiempo in doubt as to them.
Can the editor believe in good faith that Señor Olarte countenances the traitorous idea of independence on the isthmus? Is it to be imagined that Señor Colunje harbors the thought, when on all occasions he has ever, by word and writing, opposed the project, which if it has existed it has been only in the wishes of some North American journalists, and of some bad natives of the isthmus.
The editor of the El Tiempo, in support of this false announcement, appeals to the Panama Echo, and to disclosures made by Señor José de Obaldia, which were afterwards confirmed by a judicial investigation in September, 1850.
But as this happened twelve years ago, it does not follow that the sentiments of that State are now the same, and the editor will remember that El Panameño then declared strongly that the inhabitants of the isthmus scouted the idea of annexation or independence, and that the press of the country applauded the feeling of nationality and noble patriotism of the press of the isthmus.
It was then believed that the property and sovereignty of the republic over that part of its territory was made secure by the commercial interests of the powerful nations; and that England, France, and the United States, having interests on the Atlantic and Pacific, needed the free communication by “that bridge between two seas,” and in order to make effective the freedom and security of the transit, it was indispensable that the isthmus should be neutral and independent of these nations. In the treaty with the United States of North America that neutrality is guaranteed, and there is no reason to believe that that government, which on more than one occasion has shown us its cordial friendship and its desire for our prosperity, will interpose its decisive influence, as El Tiempo says, to secure to the railroad company its great gains, and to prevent the knell of time from sounding the last agonizing hour of the official clique which oppresses the people of Panama.
If the government of the United States should desire the independence and annexation of the isthmus, it could consummate the fact in spite of the wishes of the editor and of all who should attempt to prevent it. It would secure the territory, but our race would be absorbed. This would be the inevitable result.
But fortunately the government of the United States does not desire or need it. Neither does the Panama Railroad Company. The latter enjoys its privilege and desires nothing more. Nine years, and that privilege can be redeemed, and the company can then enter into competition as a bidder, if not with a better right than others, certainly with greater advantages, and among them I think will be found the sympathies due to its honorable conduct in our domestic dissensions.
And besides, the administration of Señor Colunje enjoys the good opinion of the honest citizens of the State, and that of Señor Olarte will likewise be supported by that queen of the world. I think they have nothing to fear, and if the revolutionary spirit shall light up the conflagration which the editor seems to desire; if the genius of evil shall spread its wings over that important State, it is certain—and let not the editor forget it—that Señor Olarte, surrounded by the foreigners who find protection and guarantees in the party that now governs them, will again raise triumphantly the banner unfurled on the.9th of March, 1865.
Let the editor of El Tiempo recollect that the isthmus united itself to Colombia spontaneously, and that it has given constant proofs of its love of the country, of its enlightenment, of the noble and generous disposition of its people; what the isthmus is worth in itself on account of its position in the world, and that the people of Panama desire only that the national government treat them justly and loyally, and in good faith protect their lawful rights. “The pillars of Hercules are now at Panama, and Panama symbolizes the frontier of civilization, the citadel and destiny of the Americas.” An enlightened writer of our day says this, and the editor of the El Tiempo ought to bear it in mind.
Thus, the independence of the isthmus is but the offspring of an imagination unmindful of the facts, or an invention of those interested in seizing on that State, or a chimera of passion and unfounded hostility.
As a representative of the State of Panama, I have thought it my duty to make this publication. I could not let the assertions of the editor of El Tiempo pass unnoticed, because to be silent would give grave plausibility to the imposture and subject me to censure.