Romero, to William H. Seward, March 20, 1866

Señor Romero to Mr. Seward

Mr. Secretary: I have the honor to enclose you some extracts from the Moniteur Universel, of Paris, containing that portion of deputy Glais-Bizoin’s speech in the French legislature on the 27th of February last, during the debate on the discourse from the throne in relation to Mexican affairs. I also enclose with this note the brief discussion of the same subject in the house, on the 2d instant, when Mr. Rouher’s (the minister of state) proposal in regard to the Mexican expedition was adopted, and the debate upon it reserved for a future occasion, against the protests of the opposition. The pretext alleged by Mr. Rouher to avoid debate on Mexican affairs was, that certain communications to the so-called government of Maximilian had not been answered yet and, of course, no report could be made to the house concerning them. Thus, instead of postponing the discussion of the paragraph, the controlling influence of the imperial government caused the vote to be taken, and the proposal was adopted.

I refrain from comment on this strange proceeding, because I think it unnecessary.

I profit by the opportunity to repeat to you, Mr. Secretary, the assurances of my most distinguished consideration.

[Untitled]

Mr. Glais-Bizoin, having secured the floor, rises and says:

Gentlemen: The decree of the 24th of November has granted us the right—for we are now living in the reign of grants, like the restoration, a reign very unlike the noble and generous American system, that leaves the people to enjoy their rights and the President to do good or evil for four years—I say this decree has granted us the right to express our sentiments concerning the management of affairs to the chief power, to show him our wishes and the necessities of the country; and it is now our duty to speak truth where flattery has prevailed.

To accomplish this—and here I agree with Mr. Pamard, and it is perhaps the only thing in which we agree [laughter]—eloquence is not necessary; but we must have that holy love of liberty, dearer to us than life itself, and without which we would consent to that moral decay in which our country is kept, when it should be the leader in progress—[murmurs and exclamations in different directions. ]

Granier de Cassagnac. This is too bad! We will not stand such abuse!

President Walewski. Mr. Glais-Bizoin, I shall have to call you to order if you go on so, I hope you will consider my advice. [Good! good! ]

Glais-Bizoin. Much obliged to you, Mr. President. I was going to say, when it should be the leader in progress and emancipation.

Whatever strength this sentiment gives me, I am embarrassed by the multiplicity of questions suggested by the discourse from the Crown. These questions are confused by a fault in the constitution that denies us the right of introducing a bill, and the power of distributing the business equally through the session, and discussing the plans and projects, as was formerly done, and is still practiced in all representative parliamentary governments.

But we are compelled to accept the situation, whatever it may be, and to make the best of it or the worst of it. [Smiles in parts of the house. ]

These questions may be ranged into two categories: accidental questions, such as of finances and foreign affairs, and questions of a permanent interest, touching our liberties, which cannot be solved without implicating the constitution. Let us consider the first.

The author of the Crown speech glances over the political globe, wherever French arms are engaged, and with the satisfaction of the God that speaks in the book of Genesis, says:

“Behold my work is very good!”

Belmontet. He is right.

Glais-Bizoin. What does Mr. Belmontet say?

Belmontet. I say he is right, the Emperor Napoleon. [Approving laugh.]

Glais-Bizoin. But he turns away from Poland, once the object of his solicitude, where a death-like silence reigns.

On beholding our former friend and ally in the north devoured by the double-headed eagles of Prussia and Austria, he is pleased and grieved. Can the minister of state explain these contradictory emotions?

At Rome, in Italy, the work is good. The convention of the fifteenth of September will be enforced.

Gentlemen, we are about to quit Rome, where we went to save the Pope, and robbed him of two-thirds of his domain, just lessening his worldly cares by two-thirds. [Laughter and applause.]

We quit Rome with the hate of the ultra-clerical party that called us, and the hate of Romans who never saw armed foreigners before within their walls, and I thank them for it. We quit Rome, hated by the republican party, because France put it down. And, finally, we quit Rome after spending more than four hundred millions there, the abundant fruits of that expedition.

We went to Cochin China to please the ultra-clerical party, and now we are obliged to stay there. Algeria is the only place where we are not progressing.

The author of the Crown speech [interrupted by several members: Why don’t you say the Emperor?] glancing towards Mexico, says again: “Behold, my work is very good! there is a government made by the will of the people,” and let me add, by 40,000 French bayonets. [Sundry exclamations.] Gentlemen, that is so.

President Walewski. Mr. Glais-Bizoin, I call you to order; not by 40,000 bayonets, but by the will of all the French people.

Gueroult. Does the gentleman mean Mexico?

Jules Favre. He is called to order on the emperor Maximilian’s account.

Glais-Bizoin. I think there is a mistake, Mr. President, a misunderstanding on your part, and I would like to proceed with my speech.

President Walewski. We do not hear you; speak louder, and there will be no mistake.

Glais-Bizoin. I thought so, Mr. President. What I stated was a fact. I was saying that the Emperor, in speaking of the government founded by the people——

Magnin. In Mexico?

Glais-Bizoin. Yes, in Mexico.

Several Voices. Why didn’t you say so, then?

Glais-Bizoin. I began the sentence by saying: Glancing towards Mexico———

Several Members. We did not hear that part.

Piccioni. As there was a mistake, I hope the call to order will not appear in the report.

Glais-Bizoin. They say that order reigns in Mexico, Yes, order is maintained by Belgian and Austrian troops, paid with money taken from the purses of our tax-payers; maintained by Turcos, who give no quarter; so the Moniteur says—horrid thought!—[murmurs;] maintained by our brave soldiers, that an abominable decree has converted into butchers for Maximilian. Ah, I thank Marshal Bazaine for refusing to execute the decree, and thus saving our flag from a stain that could never have been washed out.

They say the Mexican government is becoming strong. That expression may quiet the official world, but it will not satisfy the anxiety of the business world and those sound minds who compare this expedition with the Spanish war, one of the causes of the fall of the first empire. [Oh! oh!] Gentlemen, you all know the history of the first empire. The war with Spain was called memorable by a senate that did not bury all cowardice. [Noise.]

History will have a hard page for this expedition. It will tell how foolish it was, and show the diplomatic duplicity that caused it. To see this we have only to refer to the diplomatic correspondence of 1859 between the French and Spanish governments, and more particularly to the despatch of the minister of foreign affairs in 1861 to Count Flahaut, our ambassador to England, in which the Maximilian affair is discussed. You must next read the tripartite convention to satisfy claims on Mexico. See Article 2, where it says the high contracting parties bind themselves not to exert any influence upon the internal affairs of the Mexican government.

The allies had no sooner appeared at Vera Cruz than the Mexican government called for quarter, and the treaty of Soledad was concluded, Mexico granting all claims demanded. But the French government refused to honor the signature of her representative, one of the most noted personages in our country. [Interruptions.] Do you deny it? He was made senator.

Minister of State. You are mistaken; you are not acquainted with the facts.

Glais-Bizoin. Our allies left us, because they did not wish to destroy a government after they had promised to respect it, and place an Austrian prince upon the throne.

General Prim’s remarkable letter foretold what has happened. [Ironical exclamations.] Your disturbance shows you have not read that letter, for it predicted our present difficulties.

A Member. We are in no present difficulties.

Glais-Bizoin. Our allies, I say, left us, because they would not violate a solemn promise not to interfere with the internal government of Mexico, and would not join France in exacting reimbursement of worthless credits of a banker whose name has become famous.

A Member. They did not want to share in our glory.

Glais-Bizoin. General Lorencez was ordered to advance, and the army was constantly increased by the accession of those Almonte and Ramirez traitors.

Baron Benoist. You are aiding our enemies; you are firing upon our flag.

Glais-Bizoin. Those traitors who are not ashamed of the infamy that hangs to those who turn against their country or join its enemies. When we are stopped at Puebla, the cry is: “The honor of France is at stake!” Then General Bazaine, now marshal, with 40,000 men, invades Mexico; a few towns are taken, and a vote is polled, when, lo! the name of Maximilian comes out of the urn; and against this unrighteous election the Mexicans have been protesting, with arms in their hands, for three long years, and with an earnestness I should like to have seen in those men who were called the brigands of the Loire in 1814.

Yes, the Mexicans are protesting against that sham election, and they are joined in their protest by that great nation called the United States. While acknowledging our right to make war to obtain due satisfaction, the government at Washington reminds us of the convention, and says, “We allow that——[loud exclamations.]

Baron Benoist. We don’t want the consent of the United States. We don’t intend to cringe to them.

Glais-Bizoin. The United States says to us, “We confess your right to demand satisfaction; but, as you would not be pleased to see us set up a republic on your borders, we are not pleased to see you set up a monarchy on ours, and compel us to keep a standing army, contrary to the spirit of our institutions.” Nothing is more sorrowful than the last despatches of the minister of foreign affairs, who tries to destroy the effect of the imperial letter by resorting to all the cunning of diplomatic language, and to prove that we have not violated article two of the London convention, and that it is not the intention of France to keep Maximilian on his throne by force. But how are we to get out of the scrape? If we had a parliamentary government the issue would be very easy——[disturbance in different places.]

Baron Benoist. In that case we would make peace at all cost!

Glais-Bizoin. If a ministry had advised that expedition, it would have been put down long ago by the indignation of the house and the people. [Pshaw! hush up!] They would have said to the government, “You have engaged France in the affair; now withdraw her and substitute your false pride and your false honor.” [Noisy exclamations.]

But how are you to get out of it now? It is not my business; it is yours. [ Ah! ah! ] But I am willing to acknowledge the expedition as a blessing of Providence whatever may be its consequences—war or peace—provided it serves as a warning lesson to my country, that has so soon forgotten the causes of ruin to the first empire—the result of a personal government; and if it will only remember in future that the greatest danger to a nation is to trust its destiny to the will of a single individual. [Exclamations.]

Belmontel. All France protests!

President Walewski. You must perceive, Mr. Glais-Bizoin, that you wound the feelings of the house.

Many Voices. You are right; that is so.

Jules Favre. We did not meet here to compliment each other.