Peirce to F. W. Hutchison , Hawaiian, January 4, 1873

No. 227. Mr. Peirce to Mr. Fish.

Sir: I have the honor to inclose herewith, marked No. 1, a slip from the Hawaiian Gazette, of December 18, containing an obituary notice of the late King Kamehameha V, &c.; also letters of condolence from this legation and the foreign consuls respectively, addressed to the Hawaiian minister, in reply to an official circular notifying them of the demise of His late Majesty.

In reference to the circular or proclamation of Prince William C. Lunalilo, addressed to the Hawaiian people on the 16th ultimo, forwarded with my dispatch No. 177, duplicate of same herewith inclosed, marked No. 2, I have to inform you that it was received by them and the foreign residents with entire approval and satisfaction, and, in the excitement produced by the political status, had a composing effect, like oil poured upon troubled waters.

On the 28th December, however, Col. David Kalakaua, next in rank by birth to Prince William, and a candidate for election to the throne, issued an inflammatory appeal to the people, evidently intended to arouse the baser portion of the people to come to his support in the struggle for the crown. The circular is composed in the ancient Hawaiian dramatic style of language, alludes to the influence of foreigners over the government, and consequent danger of the transfer of the sovereignty of the islands to the United States, and closes with the battle-song of Kamehameha, the Conqueror of the Group.

A translation of the same is herewith inclosed, marked No. 3.

It created considerable alarm in the community for a few days, increased by reports of a rising of the adherents of the colonel against resident foreigners, with an intended attack on a gun-battery which commands the town.

Under the circumstances, the arrival of a United States vessel was devoutly desired, for the protection of life and property. Confidence, in regard to security of both, soon returned, however, when it was ascertained that Colonel Kalakaua’s appeal fell still-born, and that the mass of the people were favorable for election of Prince William in preference to any other candidate.

Inclosed herewith, marked No. 4, is an account cut from the Semi-Weekly Commercial Advertiser, headed “The Prince,” of a visit and address made to Prince William on the 30th ultimo by ten American shipmasters, who congratulated him on the prospect of his election to the Hawaiian throne, and presenting their views in regard to the future welfare of this port and kingdom, &c.

On the 1st of January the legal voters on the several islands cast an informal ballot at the polls, as an indication of their choice or selection of a candidate to fill the throne, and the act was to be regarded as instructions to the legislative assembly to elect him on the meeting of that body.

Inclosure herewith, marked No. 5, gives the result of said balloting, and that William C. Lunalilo has been selected by the people as the future sovereign of the kingdom. The assembly will no doubt do the same.

The quiet and good order preserved by the people generally is remarkable, and highly to their credit.

The inclosed extract, marked No. 6, from the “Friend” newspaper of January 1st, with the title, “The future King,” gives an interesting account of Prince William. Accompanying the same is a paragraph headed, “We, the People,” worthy of perusal, as showing that a new era has dawned upon the Hawaiian nation.

It seems to be a settled purpose to set aside, legally or illegally, the constitution of 1864, and to adopt a more liberal one. The only difference of opinion, in regard to the same, relates to the method which shall be taken to accomplish it.

Inclosure marked No. 7, referring to the subject, may be interesting.

I am, &c.,

obituary.

It was our painful duty on Wednesday last to announce the unexpected death of His late Majesty Kamehameha V, at ten o’clock and twenty minutes a.m. on that day. His Majesty had completed his forty-second year on the day of his death, having been born on the 11th day of December, 1830. The day which had been set apart as a day of rejoicing and the congratulations of a loyal people, was, by the inexorable decree of the King of Kings, turned into a day of deep affliction and sincere mourning.

His late Majesty was the elder brother of his predecessor, Kamehameha IV, they being the sons of Kinau, the daughter of Kamehameha I, the founder of the dynasty, and who by his brilliant achievements made himself the sovereign of the archipelago, and his highness Mataio Kekuanaoa, whose death at an advanced age occurred November 14, 1868.

His late Majesty ascended the throne on the death of his predecessor, Kamehameha IV, November 30, 1863, his reign at the time of his death having extended over a period of nine years and eleven days. His Majesty possessed in a great degree the distinguishing characteristics of the illustrious founder of the kingdom, uniting with rare firmness of purpose and great ability a clear and comprehensive view of the duties and responsibilities of his high position. He was ever alive to the necessities of the time and to the best interests of his people. Thoroughly educated, and having observed and taken part in some of the most important events in Hawaiian history, and served two of his predecessors as an active and able adviser of the Crown, and in the case of his immediate predecessor as minister of the interior, ably filling one of the most difficult and responsible positions in the government for a period of over six years, he brought to the throne a knowledge of government gained by a large experience in its routine and minor details, such as is rarely possessed by those called upon to preside over a people. This is not the time to comment upon the occurrences of his reign; but it is not too much to say that history will place his name on the roll of the wisest and best of the kings of Hawaii, and the influence which he has wielded over the people who now mourn his loss will long be felt for their good. Taken away in the meridian of manhood, when his subjects had the right to hope that he would live long to hold the helm of state with a just and even hand, it may well be said that the calamity which has fallen upon them is indeed great and hard to be borne.

At the time of his accession to the throne, his sister, Victoria Kamamalu, was appointed to succeed him in the event of his demise without issue. Princess Victoria died May 29, 1866. Both His late Majesty and Victoria died without issue, neither of them having been married; therefore, the late king not having appointed a successor, and there being no immediate heir in the line of succession as established by the constitution, the throne became vacant at his death. In accordance with the constitutional provisions to meet such a contingency, the cabinet council, immediately after his demise, issued a proclamation convening the legislative assembly on the 8th proximo, whose duty it will be to choose a sovereign from the native aliis of the kingdom.

On Thursday last the remains of His late Majesty lay in state in the throne-room at the palace, and thousands of people mournfully filed through to look for the last time upon him who was yesterday their king.

On Sunday last, both at the morning and evening services at the various churches, sermons were preached suitable to the occasion. Eloquent tributes were paid the memory of His late Majesty, and the people were wisely counseled to observe quiet and moderation during the trying period to elapse before the next sovereign shall be named by the proper authority.

a plebiscitum.

We issue herewith an address to the nation by Prince William Lunalilo, the heir apparent to the throne of these islands. It is modest, manly, and calm in its tone, and the sentiments expressed must commend themselves to the approval of all. In no more appropriate and acceptable way could the prince have placed his claims before the country. Whatever name may receive the sanction of the popular approval, this action alone of Prince William will stamp his character for unselfish patriotism and high-minded appreciation of the principle that the true source of the governmental power is the consent of the governed.

We speak advisedly when we say that Prince William entertains a deep sense of the responsibilities of the position to which the providence of God has evidently called him; that he prepares (with the will of the Hawaiian people) to assume that position from no ambitious motives, (for he is not a needy prince,) but purely from a sense of duty to his people; and that he is firm in his purpose to avoid in the future the youthful follies and irregularities of the past.

Assured as we are of the justice of the prince’s claim to the throne, and believing in his personal abilites and the honesty and sincerity of his professions, we heartily give our adhesion to his cause.

William C. Lunalilo, son of Kekauluohi, the daughter of Kamehameha I, to the Hawaiian people, greeting:

Whereas the throne of the kingdom has become vacant by the death of His Majesty Kamehameha V on the 11th of December, 1872, without a successor appointed or proclaimed; and

Whereas it is desirable that the wishes of the Hawaiian people be consulted as to a successor to the throne: therefore,

Notwithstanding that, according to the law of inheritance, I am the rightful heir to the throne, in order to preserve peace, harmony, and good order, I desire to submit the decision of my claim to the voice of the people, to be freely and fairly expressed by a plebiscitum. The only pledge that I deem it necessary to offer to the people is, that I will restore the constitution of Kamehameha III, of happy memory, with only such changes as may be required to adapt it to present laws; and that I will govern the nation according to the principles of that constitution and a liberal constitutional monarchy, which, while it preserves the proper prerogatives of the crown, shall fully maintain the rights and liberties of the people.

To the end proposed I recommend the judges of the different election-districts throughout the islands (hereby appealing to their ancient allegiance to the family of the Kamehamehas) to give notice that a poll will be opened on Wednesday, the 1st day of January, A. D. 1873, at which all male subjects of the kingdom may, by their vote, peaceably and orderly express their free choice for a king of the Hawaiian Islands as successor of Kamehameha V. And that the said officers of the several election-districts do, on a count of the vote, make immediate certified return of the same to the legislative assembly summoned to meet at Honolulu on the 8th day of January, 1873. That if any officer or officers of any election-district shall refuse to act in accordance herewith, or if there shall be a vacancy in said offices in any district, the people may choose others in their places, who may proceed in conformity to law in conducting the election.

Given under my hand at Honolulu, this 16th day of December, 1872.

god protect hawaii nei.

the prince.

The election held in this city on Wednesday last, for a king of the Hawaiian Islands, was conducted in a quiet and orderly manner, and the result has proved that His Royal Highness Prince W. C. Lunalilo is the choice of the people, and their only one. The polls at Adams’s auction-rooms were opened promptly at 8 o’clock a.m, and during the whole day the clerks were kept at the top of their speed recording the names of the seemingly endless string of citizens who were eager to deposit their ballots. All of the arrangements were well made and the best of order maintained everywhere. The streets away from the immediate neighborhood of the polls wore an aspect of quiet, intensified by the entire absence of any holiday preparation. At the place of voting everything was animated; speeches were made by several Hawaiians, all of whom possessed a flow of language that was astounding.

At Makee’s corner a funny cartoon was displayed, illustrating, in a series of views, the adventures of the “cocoanut cabinet,” whom the Rev. Buster has immortalized, and the sketches were largely admired and freely commented upon, especially by residents of Waikiki. At the polls 480 votes were registered the first hour, 2,200 by noon, and when the lists were closed at 5 o’clock p.m. the estimate gave 3,000 as the total number cast in the nine hours.

Our venerated fellow-townsman, Dr. G. P. Judd, left his sick-room to cast his vote for the prince, and he did so amidst the cheers of those who caught a glimpse of his well-known face. The household troops marched in a body to the polls and quietly deposited their ballots; following them was along procession of Mormous from the other side of the island, and crowds of people from the most distant parts of the district were on hand to have a voice in making a king for themselves. A woman came with the ballot of her sick husband, who did not wish to lose his privilege, but of course his representative could not act for him in this case. Every precaution was taken that none but citizens should vote and we know of but two cases where illegal votes were offered. At 5 o’clock the polls closed, and the committee proceeded to count the ballots, a task which they completed in an hour. A dense crowd awaited the announcement of the result, which was thus made known to them: There have been three thousand and forty-nine votes cast, all for William C. Lunalilo.

Such a result was entirely unexpected, for even the most sanguine supposed that there would be one or two ballots for some one else. The ballots were all examined carefully by the committee and the lookers-on, and as all of them but seven (which were plainly written, and for the prince) were the printed forms supplied from this office, there could not be any mistake made. Of the voters, 2,768 were Hawaiians, and 281 naturalized foreigners. The total number of males in this district, according to the census of 1866, between the age of 15 and 40, was 3,717, which number will probably fairly represent the number of voters in the district at that date. At the prison a vote was taken, which was uuanimous for the prince. At Ewa and Waianae there were 324 votes cast; at Koolauloa, 293; at Koolaupoko, 472; and at Waialua, 172—all for the prince, with the exception of one vote in the district of Waialua. The total for Oahu is 4,309 votes cast for W. C. Lunalilo, and one for D. Kalakaua. We will give the returns from the other islands as fast as they come in.

The remarkable quiet and good order that prevailed during the entire day was due to the people themselves, and to the ready compliance by the liquor-dealers with the request of Marshal Parke that they would keep their places of business closed during the day. We saw and heard of no cases of drunkenness, and on the following morning that there had been no arrests made from any cause during the entire day. This we considered almost as remarkable as the spectacle of an entire population casting their votes without one dissenting voice.

In worthy imitation of the course adopted in New York and other cities of the United States, during the late Presidential election, all the liquor-saloons in this city were closed during Wednesday. There is no law compelling the proprietors to close their doors on any day except Sunday, and we are requested by Marshal Parke to express his acknowledgments to them for the prompt manner in which they complied with the wish communicated to them by him, to suspend altogether their business during the election. The entire day was peculiarly remarkable for the absence of drunkenness on the streets.

the future king.

There appears to be a general uprising of the Hawaiian people on all parts of the islands, from Hawaii to Niihaw, in favor of His Royal Highness Prince William C. Lunalilo. Mass-meetings have been held at various localities for the purpose of giving expression to public sentiment, and for instructing the representatives how they shall vote at the coming meeting of the legislature. By acclamation Prince William is the candidate for the throne. It is peculiarly fortunate, for the peace of the community, that there should be this unanimity in the popular mind. Agreeably to the proclamation of the prince, there will be a gathering of the people to-day, January 1, in all the districts, for the purpose of voting. Although this is not a decisive and binding vote, yet it will more fully indicate the people’s mind.

Perhaps our readers abroad may be interested in learning something respecting the position of the incoming sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. Prince William C. Lunalilo was born January 31, 1835, and is hence thirty-seven years of age. He derives his rank as a chief from his mother, Her Royal Highness Miriama Kekauluohi, who died June 7, 1845. At the time of her death she was premier of the kingdom, having succeeded Kinau, the mother of Kamehameha IV and V. She was a chiefess of the highest rank at the time of her death. Mr. Jarvis, in an obituary notice published in the Polynesian of June 21, 1845, writes thus: “She was the last adult member of that distinguished family which for the past sixty years has, as it were, shared the Hawaiian throne with the kings themselves. Her grandfather, Keeaumoku, was the most noted of all the warriors of Kamehameha I, and by his personal prowess placed that eminent man on the throne of Hawaii; first by slaying with his own hand his great antagonist Kiwalao, and subsequently Keoera, the only remaining enemy on that island.” He became chief counselor and executive agent in conducting the affairs of the kingdom. Kekauluohi, his granddaughter, was the mother of Prince William.

According to Hawaiian history, she was betrothed in her youth to Pomare, the King of Tahiti, but his death prevented the union by marriage of the kingdoms of the Hawaiian and Society Islands. She is reported to have been remarkably handsome in her youth, and as having possessed a very tenacious memory, treasuring up the old genealogies of the islands. Our readers will find a good likeness of this chiefess in the fourth volume of “Wilkes’s Exploring Expedition,” and also in “Anderson’s Hawaiian Islands.”

Reference to the foregoing facts will account for that deep feeling among Hawaiians for Prince William as their future King in preference over all other candidates. He was educated at the royal school, and we remember him as a bright scholar. He speaks and writes the English language with much ease. Should he succeed to the throne, we earnestly hope and pray that he may enjoy a long and happy reign. Profiting by the successes and errors of the past, we hope the kingdom of Hawaii will now take a new departure in all those elements of prosperity which go to make the people happy and the rulers beloved, fully believing with Solomon that “Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is a reproach to any people.”

“We the People.”—A month ago, when commenting upon President Grant’s proclamation setting forth the sentiment that the American Government was the creation of the people, we little imagined that so soon mass-meetings would be held throughout the Hawaiian kingdom to discuss the manner of electing a King, and arguing that all governments are derived from a consent of the people. A new era has dawned upon the Hawaiian nation; an hereditary chief, and one doubtless having the best right to the vacant throne, has made his appeal to the people, thus proclaiming that he deems the voice of the people a better title than a “Divine right” of hereditary descent. Verily the world moves.

Immediately upon receiving the intelligence of the demise of his late most lamented Majesty Kamehameha V, a cabinet council was assembled at Iolani Palace, on Wednesday, December 11, 1872, at 11 o’clock a.m., at which all the members were present, and after considering the provisions of the constitution of the kingdom in such case made and provided, it was—

Ordered, That a meeting of the legislative assembly be caused to be holden at the court-house in Honolulu, on Wednesday, which will be the 8th day of January, A. D. 1873, at 12 o’clock noon; and of this order all members of the legislative assembly will take notice and govern themselves accordingly.

constitutional obligations.

The situation brings up the somewhat serious question of constitutional allegiance. Great interests hang upon the solution. Events hurry on the decision and the manner of its accomplishment.

Two statements of fundamental law are before the King-elect and the nation, the constitution of 1852, and the decree of 1864. The one, the mutual compact of King and people; the other, the arbitrary proclamation of a chief refusing to enter the constitutional relations of former kings; the one, the binding law of the land, the other a fraud, and only existing by force. The King-elect by his manifesto has announced his position in the clearest terms: “I will restore the constitution of Kamehameha III.” The people in their own assemblies and at the polls have as positively expressed themselves in favor of their own constitution, which they have believed in and which they have never given up nor abrogated.

In these circumstances, the Hawaiian Gazette has produced this week a labored article entitled “Constitutional government,” which reads more like a strained judicial opinion than an editorial. It is illogical, and its argument is unintelligible, save upon one basis, and that is the writer’s unqualified belief in the legality of the decree of 1864. It is a flat-footed and hearty support of that extraordinary document, and against the claims of the old constitution. The writer would seem to be a devout believer in the adage “whatever is, is right,” and because the prevailing sentiment in favor of a policy promising a better state of things may possibly introduce elements of danger or expense, he would make a virtue of extreme prudence and support the present state of things. Doubtless if the present King-elect should abolish all former constitutions and decree a new one, this commentator on fundamental law would, after things were running smoothly again, be able to swallow his scruples and write learnedly upon the disadvantages of permanent constitutions.

The idea that the late King might legally trample upon that constitution which established the manner and method of his succession to the throne because it did not say in actual words what it unmistakably expressed in the general sentiment of its section, is indeed worthy of that political intuition which says that “the present constitution is made binding on the successors of Kamehameha V by its express terms, so that no one can become the constitutional sovereign until he has sworn to support this constitution;” as if the support and assistance of the late decree were of any importance to the King-elect. How can the provisions of an illegal and revolutionary proclamation of a former King, now dead, give validity and strength to a new reign?

The King-elect has, by guaranteeing the restoration of the constitution of 1852, announced his disapproval of the decree of 1864. It is to be expected that he will abide by his promise, either literally or in substance, and under the present political circumstances, and with the meaning of the national decision at the polls of the 1st of January, it would be disloyal as well as indecent to urge or expect him to do otherwise.

The sensitive conscientiousness of the Gazette writer, in regard to the observance of oaths, would be highly honorable in him if he had expressed a similar feeling toward the oaths which were solemnly sworn to protect the constitution of 1852. What made it proper that they should be broken freely in 1864? Was it the decree of that date? Did that give absolution?

The only pretense of an argument for the legality of the decree is in the existence of a few official oaths, and in the fact that “it was so far acquiesced in that no resistance was made to it, and laws, elections, and the whole administration of the government have since gone along under its provisions;” but chiefly in the obsolete and decayed creed of the divine right of kings. It is well known that the people have never acquiesced in the acts of Kamehameha V on taking the throne; and that their almost unanimous feeling, from that day to this, partially smothered though it may have been, has been a strong and unceasing protest against those acts.

Kamehameha V, in taking the throne, had but one condition requisite by the constitution, the one of blood; he was not appointed and proclaimed by the reigning King and the House of Nobles as the successor to the throne; he was not chosen as such successor by the House of Nobles and the House of Representatives in joint ballot. Thus, by the argument of the Gazette, his acts in taking the throne and promulgating his decree in place of the constitution were “illegal, unconstitutional, and void,” and were so with far greater force than could be the act of the King-elect in recognizing a rightful constitution, which has never been interfered with save by such unlawful proceedings, even though it has been set aside for nine years.

The Gazette leader is an industrious attempt to sustain and give an appearance of right to a false position, and it fails not for want of ability in the writer, but because he attempts what is logically and morally impossible. A weak application of the doctrine of expediency shows from beginning to end. It is a feeble endeavor to prove that a wrong may be righted by continuing it.

From a common sense, straightforward view of present circumstances, it does not appear that the King-elect will really need any validity for his acts which the provisions of the late King’s decree might give him. What does the voice of the people mean, which on the first of January rung out an overwhelming call to Lunalilo, King-elect of the nation, by its unanimous acclamation from Hawaii to Neiihaw? Does this give no legitimacy? Then where will you look for it? In the present crisis, if authority comes not from the people, where, in the name of justice and right, does it come from? From the decree of 1864? Heaven forbid! If the King-elect and the people who elected him shall unitedly decide to restore their old, much-wronged bill of rights, and thus to rebuke the dangerous and revolutionary acts of the last reign, we do not know how their acts under this policy could be made stronger, juster, or more really legitimate. Can the election of the first of January be called invalid, or its results be doubted? The judges of election were selected by the people themselves. Who shall distrust or find fault if the people do not? The nation sat in committee of the whole, and there the important vote took place that makes William C. Lunalilo King. The legislature will of course follow the direct vote of the people by way of formal ratification, and this they do without affecting their obligations to the decree of 1864.

The fear expressed in the article under review that if the constitution of 1852 should be restored “there would be no one who could legally enforce it,” must be founded chiefly in the writer’s remarkable veneration for the decree which overrode it. Cannot the King-elect enforce it, and if not, why not? If a feeling of conscientious obligation to the acts of the late reign should necessitate a resignation on the part of present officials, what shall prevent the King from immediately issuing commissions making new ones, and who shall say that such commissions are not valid or that such new officials would not be duly authorized? As to the statute laws that have been enacted during the years that have elapsed since the suspension of the constitution in 1864, one single statute passed by the legislature will legalize them all.

The temporizing policy of the Gazette leader has too long been the bane of our politics. The inconsistency of the argument exposes itself in the positive avoidance of any discussion of the question on its merits, the only true basis of judging any and every question under the sun. Not a single fundamental principle is brought forward. Departure from the decree of 1864 is condemned as “fraught with peril to the liberties of the people,” as if by the enforcement of that decree more liberties of the people were not lost than by all other influences together since their government was established.

The nation is wearied of the late régime, and has not and will not ratify its principles. The King-elect has publicly acknowledged the liberal idea of government by the consent of the governed, and the people in response have rallied with unprecedented enthusiasm and made the principle their national policy and its princely supporter their King. And now any support of the policy of the past reign is out of sympathy both with popular sentiment and political morality and justice.