Mr. Seward to Mr. Sanford, March 26, 1861

Mr. Seward to Mr.
Sanford.

Sir: Having spent the winter in Washington, you
need not be informed of the attempts of a misguided party of citizens in
several of the southern States, not unattended with violence and
spoliation, to dismember the federal republic, and of their scheme to
organize several of the States in a new revolutionary government, under
the name of the Confederate States of America. Formidable as this
conspiracy seemed at the beginning, it is now confidently believed that
the policy of the present administration in regard to it will be
supported by the people—a policy of conciliationr forbearance, and
firmness—and that the conspiracy will thus fail for want of ultimate
adoption by the States themselves which are expected to constitute the
new confederacy. Aware of this danger, the movers in that desperate and
destructive enterprise are now understood to be making; every effort to
gain external advantage by appeals to prejudice or supposed interest in
foreign nations for a recognition of the independence of the proposed
new confederacy.

Under these circumstances the most important duty of the diplomatic
representatives of the United States in Europe will be to counteract by
all proper means the efforts of the agents of that projected confederacy
at their respective courts. It was your extensive acquaintance on the
continent, taken in connexion with your activity and energy here, which
induced the President to confer upon you the appointment of minister
resident in Belgium.

The general considerations to be urged against such a recognition will be
found in the inaugural address of the President, delivered on the 4th of
March instant, and in a circular letter despatched by me on the 9th
instant to our ministers, an original part of which will be found in the
archives of your legation. For your present convenience I enclose a copy
of this circular letter.

The President, confident of the ultimate ascendancy of law, order, and
the Union, through the deliberate action of the people in constitutional
forms, does not expect you to engage in any discussion which the agents
of the disunionists may attempt to initiate on the merits of their
proposed revolution. He will not consent, directly or indirectly, to the
interpellation of any foreign power in a controversy which is merely a
domestic one.

There is some reason to suppose that the agents of the disunionists will
attempt to win favor for their scheme of recognition by affecting to
sympathize with the manufacturing interests of the European nations in
their discontent with the tariff laws of the United States, and by
promising to receive the fabrics of such nations on more favorable
terms. You will be able to reply to such seductions as these that the
new tariff laws thus complained of are revenue laws deemed by the
legislature of the United States necessary under new and peculiar
circumstances; that all experience shows that such laws are not and cannot be permanent;
that if, as is now pretended, they shall prove to be onerous to foreign
commerce, they will, of course, prove also to be unfruitful of revenue,
and that in that case they will necessarily be promptly modified. The
inconvenience, if any shall result from them, will therefore be
temporary and practically harmless. Nor will any statesman of a foreign
country need to be informed that the consumption of the fabrics which it
is proposed shall be favored by the so-called seceding States chiefly
takes place, not within those States, but in a very large degree in the
States which remain undisturbed by this unhappy attempt at
revolution.

It hardly needs be added that the recognition which the insurgents States
desire tends through either peace or war to the establishment of a new
government. That new government, like the government of the United
States, must levy imports on foreign merchandise, while it must also
resort to an export duty on cotton, its great staple, for its support;
and these two measures combined would constitute a policy largely
prohibitive, instead of the liberal and genial one which is now promised
by the disunion party.

You will not fail to represent to the government of the King of the
Belgians that all the interests of European manufactures and commerce
are identified with the promotion of peace and the undisturbed activity
of the American people. An act of recognition in favor of a now
discontented party would necessarily tend to encourage that party to
attempt to establish their separation from the Union by civil war, the
consequences of which would be disastrous to all the existing systems of
industrial activity in Europe, and when once they had begun, those
consequences would be likely to continue indefinitely; whereas no nation
in Europe can hope that their own interests would be as safe and
prosperous under any change of government here as they are now and have
so long been under our present system.

It is quite manifest already that differences and embarrassing questions
may soon arise concerning the conduct of commerce, and that the
commercial States of Europe may be subjected to strong seductions to
violate our revenue laws and regulations. You will say generally on this
subject that the government of the United States will expect the same
respect to those laws and regulations which has hitherto been shown and
which our treaties of amity and commerce entitle us to demand, and that
it will not hold itself bound to favor or exempt from consequences any
parties, of whatever nation, who may violate them. It does not at all
distrust its ability to maintain them or the good disposition of its
allies to observe them.

I shall not enlarge on these subjects, insomuch as the phase of the whole
affair changes almost daily. The President willingly expects to rely on
your astuteness in discovering points of attack and your practical skill
and experience in protecting the interests of the United States. He will
expect you, however, to communicate to this department very fully and
frequently, and you will receive prompt instructions in every new
emergency.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,