Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams, February 5, 1862

Mr. Seward to Mr.
Adams.

Sir: Your despatch of January 17, No. 103, fell
upon the department as merely a small part of the largest foreign mail
ever received here, and only after such delays as left insufficient time
to dispose of the same before the departure of the outgoing steamer.

I approve entirely of your proceeding in regard to the Nashville, while I
hail the solicitude of the British government for the preservation of
peace in the British waters as a favorable indication. I have given to
the Navy Department the information received from you concerning the
probable attempt to transfer the Nashville to British owners.

I have given to Mr. Perry substantially the same ideas which I have
expressed to yourself in regard to the uselessness to European maritime
powers of a policy on their part which invites only insurgent privateers
and repels loyal American commerce from their ports. It is easy to see
that this is the effect of a premature recognition of the insurrection
as entitled to belligerent rights.

We hear from various correspondents, as you do, that France proposed
three months ago to Great Britain a recognition and intervention to
break the blockade.

The communication of this kind which appeared to wear the highest
character for authority was said to have come from the innermost circle
of the British government. We have not credited it for this, among other
reasons, namely: Lord Lyons, who, although a man of prudent reserve, is,
at the same time, entirely
truthful, has frankly told me that he knows nothing of the matter, while
the French minister, who is a very frank and friendly person, denies all
knowledge of any such purpose. Further, Mr. Thouvenel’s communications
with us, made before and after the settlement of the Trent affair, are
of such a character as to exclude a belief that France was, indeed,
proposing to Great Britain a plot for the dismemberment of the Union.
Moreover, I am slow to believe that either the government of France or
the government of Great Britain misunderstand the true interests of
their own country so much as to desire the dissolution of the Union,
especially a dissolution to be effected by European intervention, and
with the purpose of establishing a slaveholding power on the borders of
the Caribbean sea.

We have unmistakable evidence that sympathizers with the secessionists
will inaugurate a debate and motion for recognition in Parliament. Nor
will I deny that I indulge some apprehension of the result. But, at the
same time, I am not conscious of having left anything undone that could
be done to enlighten the British government and the British public upon
the merits of the question. The solution of it must be left to those who
are expected to assume the responsibility. One thing is certain, so far
as any future political event can be, and that is, that neither with nor
without foreign aid will this Union be permitted by the American people
to fall.

I cannot close this despatch without expressing especial acknowledgments
for the care and candor with which you have sifted the thick rumors of
mischief, and given me what was worthy of consideration.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,