Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams, February 4, 1862

Mr. Seward to Mr.
Adams.

Sir: The Africa came so late that I had only
time, before the then next mail day, to acknowledge the receipt of your
despatch No. 102, in a paper which was devoted to subjects different
from those you have discussed.

I am gratified with the information that, in your opinion, the mind of
the government, as well as that of the British nation, is now somewhat
disabused of the very unjust idea that this government entertains
sentiments of hostility towards them.

I transmit herewith a copy of an unofficial letter I have sent to Lord
Lyons, together with a copy of a letter that, amid the intensest heat of
the late excitement, I had occasion to address to his excellency the
governor of the State of Maine. This correspondence may perhaps be
properly used for the purpose of more effectually removing impressions
so unjust to us and dangerous to the peace of the two nations.

Some correspondents and many journals write to us that the Parliament and
the Chambers are to be pressed into discussions designed to induce Great
Britain and France to recognize the insurgents and intervene to raise
our blockade. I have already made some suggestions to you with a view to
counteract those dangerous designs. I am not aware that I can now
profitably do more in that direction.

I turn, therefore, to another subject. Let us suppose that the European
states had been content to leave the insurrection unnoticed until now.
Does any one believe that in that case a single European vessel engaged
in lawful trade would have ever been molested by the insurgents, who
have not been able to possess, occupy, and keep open, one solitary port
on the whole coast of this continent.

Does any one believe that, in the case supposed, a single piratical
insurgent vessel would have been found demanding entrance into an
European port with trophies, spoils, or captives taken from American
merchantmen sunk or burned in European waters? Does not every one see
that, in that case, the unseemly scenes recently enacted in the ports of
Cadiz and Southampton could never have occurred? Toward what end have
these and all other such unhappy occurrences led but the prolongation of
a strife now only less injurious to European interests than to our own,
while it is demoralizing political society in all nations ?

Now, when passion and alarm are subsiding in Europe, may there not be
found in the government and in the Parliament of Great Britain statesmen
who will see that the true path to peace is in retracing the steps which
only lead through disastrous conflict upon the soil of this continent
between this truly popular and long-established government and those who
would subject it all to the power of slavery rather than conform their
political institutions to the spirit of the age ?

You are not expected to present these suggestions formally to the British
government, but, being just in themselves, you will use them, in your
discretion, to promote the great interests of both countries.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,