MARTIN DOHMEN, Acting Japanese Secretary to her Britannic Majesty’s Legation to Countersigned by— Charles A. Winchester, Her Britannic Majesty’s Chargé d’ Affaires in Japan, March 6, 1865

No. 2.

Present: Midsuno Idlumi No Kami and Suwa Inaba No Kami, ministers, and Sakai Hida No Kami, vice-minister, on the part of the Japanese goovernment, and Charles A. Winchester, her Britannic Majesty’s chargé d’affaires, and D. de Graeff van Polsbroek, consul general and political agent of the Netherlands.

After the usual interchange of compliments, the British chargé d’affaires opened the conference by announcing the return of Sir Rutherford Alcock to Japan, and the approval by his government of the policy pursued by him with regard to the late Japanese affairs, which intelligence was received by the Japanese ministers with much appearance of interest, and inquiries were made as to the probable date of his return.

The British chargé d’affaires then, while thanking the Japanese ministers in the name of his government for the energetic steps taken by them in bringing to justice one of the principals in the murder of the two British officers at Kamakura, inquired whether any traces had been discovered of Sakahashi Togiro, the other assassin, to which the minister replied that Simidlu Seiji must have given a false name of his accomplice, as no such name as Sakahashi Togiro was known to them. No effort, they said, would, however, be spared to discover and punish this criminal.

The gold watch sent out by the British government for the Prince of Matunai for services rendered to the British barque Egeria was then handed over to the Japanese minister, with some appropriate remarks as to the degree in which the British government appreciated the kind treatment which, on various occasions, had been received by shipwrecked crews on the Japanese shores.

Next came the Hakodate and Nagasaki complaints, respecting privileges enjoyed by the Chinese in purchasing and exporting anati, and irico, and other important articles, which could not be obtained, except with great difficulty, by the subjects of treaty powers. The foreign representatives present pointed out to the Gorogio the injustice of this monopoly which had been granted to subjects of a new treaty power, and stated that it created constant difficulties and led to an organized system of native smuggling. The Chinese, they said, were quite as well able to pay for such articles as they required as other nations. When Japan was opened by the treaty of 1858, the trade with Holland, which had formerly been one of government’s, ceased to be so, and the continuance of a government contract favorable to the Chinese but prejudicial to all other nations, was totally opposed as well to the principles embodied in, as to the express provisions of, the treaties. Representatives present were ready to admit that immediate interests might require special consideration, but these would be better provided for out of the produce of a regular and authorized duty to be levied during transit of these articles, than by the continuance of a contract opposed to sound policy and treaty rights.

The ministers stated in reply that the matter would be duly inquired into, and that instructions would be sent to the governors of Nagasaki and Hakodate to remove their cause of complaint.

Foreign representatives present, while declaring themselves satisfied with this reply, said they had another and very important subject to bring under the notice of the Japanese government, and one which they considered of such importance that they now thought it their duty to ask for information from the Gorogio. Certain rumors, which had caused much disquietude, had reached them of a project having been formed for the consignment of large quantities of silk and ova to one market in Europe for the purchase of vessels, arms, ammunition, &c.

The Japanese ministers did not deny the existence of some such project, and said they considered that Japan was perfectly at liberty to make contracts with any nation for the supply of vessels-of-war, arms, and other warlike stores, and to pay such contracts by the surplus of produce not required for home consumption in the same manner as they formerly used to deal with the Dutch government.

Hereupon the Dutch consul general observed that the ministers were in error, inasmuch as since the date of the present treaties Japan had never had any direct trade with the Dutch government; for they must remember, he said, that even for the old contracts remittances had to be made, not in produce but in dollars, through the Dutch Trading Company, and that since the treaties were in operation the trade had been given over to individuals. The projects rumored led to the idea virtually of a monopoly which Japan was going to establish in favor of one market—a proceeding which he and his British colleague were bound to oppose. The subject was of vital importance for the trade of the subjects of their Majesties the Queen and the King and all other treaty powers, and if the Gorogio could not give the assurance that such projects were not in existence, or would not be prosecuted, so as to guarantee the non-recurrence of the silk restrictions of 1863 and 1864, they had no alternative but to refer the matter to their respective governments as inconsistent with the rights acquired by their subjects under treaties. As the time would not allow any lengthened discussion of this important point, his British colleague and himself had, in the event of receiving such an answer as the above from the Gorogio, drawn up a memorandum setting forth their views upon the subject. The said memorandum, signed, in the Dutch language, with a Japanese paraphrase, was then delivered to the first minister, who, in the name of the Gorogio, replied that he had perfectly understood what the two foreign representatives present had said, and that they might feel assured that the subject would receive the consideration it deserved.

It was then suggested, on the other part, that a governor for foreign affairs should shortly be sent to Yokohama, in order to discuss the subject with the foreign ministers generally.

Subsequently the two representatives present informed the Gorogio that, though no instructions had been received as to the convention of October last, they had been made acquainted with the views of their respective governments as to the alternative condition which left to the option of the Japanese government the opening of Simonoseki, or some other eligible port in the inland sea, in lieu of indemnity money, and were justified in stating that the same was unobjectionable.

The Japanese observed, in reply, that this was a point which required consideration, and which should be deferred till the return of the two members of the Gorogio who had been sent by the Tycoon on a special mission to the Mikado.

In conclusion, the two representatives present remarked that the time had arrived for reestablishing foreign legations at Yedo, and that the government of the Tycoon was now considered strong enough to remove all obstacles to the permanent residence of foreign diplomatic agents in the capital.

The Japanese minister replied, this was another point which they could not undertake to discuss until the members of the Gorogio were complete; if the message to Kioto was successful, there should, on their part, be no difficulty in settling the question of the foreign legations. Representatives were aware that since the past year a good deal had been done towards tranquillizing the country, and if the treaty powers would only give them a few months’ more time, order and peace might be sufficiently restored so as to afford better security to the foreign agents in the Tycoon’s capital.

The conference ended by the presentation of Commodore Montressor, commanding British squadron, and Colonel Browne, commandant of the British troops, with their respective staffs.

As reported by me: