Lothrop Motley to William H. Seward, October 8, 1865

Mr. Motley to Mr. Seward

Sir: Having been staying for a few weeks in the country at a few hours’ distance from the capital at the time of the promulgation of the imperial manifesto and patent of the 20th of September, I neglected to transmit translations of those important documents.

As they have, however, been printed in various versions in all the European and (doubtless) American journals, I content myself now with forwarding an official copy of the manifesto and the patent as part of the history of the time.

As I have said so much concerning the internal politics of Austria in my recent despatches, especially Nos. 111, 112, 113, 116, 118 and 120, in all of which the steps leading to the present position were described, and the catastrophe has now occurred clearly indicated, I abstain to-day from any superfluous reflections; I say catastrophe, because, although there is no violent upheaval of the social and political elements, yet the constitution of February 7, 1861, under which the empire has been administered for the last four years, seems to have come to an end, and an interim of chaos to have returned.

The new patent of September, 1865, is brief; it consists, as you will observe, of two articles.

Article first contains one important word, sistirt—suspended. Article second provides that during said suspension the government will take all indispensable financial measures.

How and when this period of suspended animation will terminate time must soon show. The new manifesto holds fast to the principles of October, 1860, by which some kind of constitutional existence was promised to his people by an absolute monarchy. It declares, however, the February experiment to be a failure.

That the new attempt to breathe the breath of life into the constitutional embryo will prove more successful, we must be rather sanguine to believe without any hesitation. Meantime not only the centrifugal forces of magyarism and czechism are in full play, but movements for independent national existence are rife in Croatia, Dalmatia, Illyria, and elsewhere, to say nothing of the Italian portions of the imperial dominions.

To unite such vast and heterogeneous groups of nationalities as compose this empire, ten kingdoms (not counting Jerusalem) and at least thirty duchies and principalities under one sceptre by the coercive force of absolutism was possible. But is a constitutional E pluribus unum conceivable, now that the February Reichsrath has confessedly failed?

The very best that can be hoped for it is an e pluribus duo; for the realms of Saint Stephen, after their recent victory, can hardly be expected to send members to an imperial parliament at Vienna.

The Transleitha diets are convoked, and will be in session before the end of the year, and it will then be seen what propositions for legislative union the government has to lay before them, and how such projects are to be received; meanwhile the said imperial parliament is sistirt.

I have the honor to remain your obedient servant,