John Bigelow to William H. Seward, September 7, 1866

Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward

Sir: The press of this capital has been permitted of late to discuss with quite unaccustomed freedom, as you may have remarked, the questions growing out of the extraordinary and most embarrassing relations of France with Mexico. I enclose a few articles from journals which you are not likely to have seen, but to which I am disposed to attach more than ordinary importance.

The three articles from the enlightened and conscientious pen of Monsieur Cochut, which appeared in the Temps of the 18th, 22d, and 23d of August, are chiefly important for the information they lay before the French public for the first time in regard to the financial relations of France and Mexico. I have reason to suppose that the figures which he gives were received from the highest source.

The articles from the Opinion Nationale of the 29th and 30th of August, from the pen of its editor, M. Gueroult, derive importance—

First, from the unusual freedom with which the Mexican enterprise is denounced in a journal which has been acquiring for a year past more and more official authority.

Second, from the fact that the writer is a member of the Corps Legislatif, for the city of Paris, and

Third, from the fact that he is supposed to consult with Mr. Rouher, the minister of state, very freely upon all public questions in which the government is supposed to have a policy not already fully disclosed to the public. These considerations enforce Mr. Gueroult’s recommendation that the government should not attach an exaggerated importance to any promised indemnities for its Mexican investment, and above all should make no sacrifice and run no risk of ulterior complications to insure them. “Our in success,” he says, “is complete, incontestable; and the only reasonable course to take is, to accept things as they are, without seeking to color, dissemble, or extenuate them; the essential point is to finish with them, to finish radically, leaving nothing behind which can Become a point of departure for new complications. It is not necessary, he says, to leave garrisons in the seaports, when we leave Mexico, charged to collect the revenue for our benefit. That would only lead to a recommencement of difficulties without number, which would make us re-enter by another door the inextricable labyrinth from which we must get out at any price. We must cut into the quick; leave nothing behind; finish, at all hazards, this bad business. A few millions more or less are not an interest to be balanced against the freedom from anxiety which would result to us from the complete and radical termination of this unhappy affair. In a word, the Mexican expedition has been a bad business. We must set it down to profit and loss, and occupy ourselves no more with it; neither believing, nor appearing to believe, nor letting others believe, that any returns are to come from it. For the present we should pursue but one end; bring back our troops and our flag, establish with the government which shall succeed Maximilian’s as good relations as the situation will permit, and which will assure us, as far as anything can be assured in that country, the safety of our country people.”

Mr. Gueroult expresses the opinion which was given by Mr. Saillard to the Emperor on his return from Mexico, that there will never be a civilized government in that country till it has been born again into the United States. He says, and no doubt alludes to Saillard’s remark: “All who have seen Mexico nearly, agree that she is destined to be devoured by the United States. They have already invaded, peopled, and colonized California, Texas, and New Mexico. The rest will follow as fast as (the traces of the civil war being effaced) their need of expansion shall be manifested.”

In his article of the following day Mr. Gueroult treats of the liability of France for the loan negotiated here, if not through the government, under government auspices. Without venturing; so say whether the government ought to assume that loan, he presents the case, so strongly in that direction as to indicate to my mind a disposition on the part of the government to assume it if public opinion should justify such a step. I think one of the purposes of Mr. Cochut’s article of the 23d was to help prepare the public mind for that result.

Independent of the moral obligation of the government to assume those bonds from which it has itself received large sums, I think the Emperor would not be indisposed to profit by the transfer of those bonds from the shoulders of the few to the shoulders of the whole people, with the view of making the nation interested in treating them and the government under whose auspices they were issued as considerately as possible, and disposed to take advantage of any, opportunity that may present itself, in future negotiations with the United States or Mexico, of realizing something from them.

I am, sir, with great respect, you obedient servant,