Horace Maynaed to Evarts, May 31, 1877

No. 325. Mr. Maynard to Mr. Evarts.

Sir: The Turco-Russian war has prevailed the last month, but with little change in the relative attitude of the two parties. Strategically, so far as we have information here, there has been but little advance on either side.

In European: Turkey the Danube continues to be the dividing line between the two armies. The Turks report the loss of two small ironclads upon the river. Little else seems to have occurred, except occasional cannonading from the opposite banks of the stream, with, no very serious results.

At the east of the Black Sea the Turks have captured Soukoum-Kaleh, a small Russian port in the Caucasus, As a military success, I judge it is of small importance. Politically, it is believed to have more significance. A general rising of the Caucasians is reported to have followed, and the Turks have been busy in forwarding for their use arms and material of war. The occasion was improved to decorate the Sultan with the title of Ghazi (the conqueror), a title given only on the capture of a city from the enemies of the faith. The Turkish papers of the 17th instant published a fetvah or decision of the Sheikh-ul-Islam awarding this title to his Imperial Majesty Abdul-Hamid II, basing the award upon the triumph of the Ottoman arms in, the capture of Sou-koum-Kaleh. The same evening, during the embarkation of troops sent to re-enforce the expedition to Soukoum-Kaleh, the governor of the imperial palace went aboard each steamer and read to them a proclamation from the Sultan dwelling upon the importance of the mission of deliverance confided to the force sent to Circassia for the succor of their brethren in the faith from a cruel and intolerant tyranny. The proclamation, we are told, was received by the troops with the utmost enthusiasm and shouts of “Long live the Padishah.” The next day being Friday, His Majesty attended public worship at the mosque of St. Sophia, where, in the special prayer for the Sultan, the imaum, in pronouncing his imperial titles, added that of Ghazi, in conformity with the fetvah of the Sheikhul-Islam. It would be difficult to find an instance of a similar military achievement turned to better account.

Soon afterward, the news got abroad that the Russians had carried Ardahan, a strong post on the line between the fortresses of Kars and Batoum, its base of supplies. This produced great popular excitement in the Moslem population, and a violent demonstration of the softas. The latter occasioned the proclamation of the state of siege (Inclosure No. 4 with dispatch No. 155), and has been followed by the arrest of many of their number, who have been sent into exile. Rumors have circulated that Ardahan has been retaken, but they are not confirmed.

Except the fall of Soukoum Kaleh on the one side and of Ardahan on the other, neither belligerent appears to have gained much advantage in the Asiatic field.

When I wrote my dispatch of April 25, 1877, No. 147, I had not seen the Russian manifesto. It seems to have been prepared as early as April 19, in the form of a circular to the great powers, addressed by Prince Gortchakoff to the several ambassadors, and by them delivered on the 24th, simultaneously with the declaration of war and the forward movement of the Russian armies. A copy, with a translation, is inclosed.

All the powers, except Great Britain, appear to have accepted it as the logical result of events during the last two years, especially of the last six months. Great Britain, equally logical in her own conduct, meets it with an earnest protest, of which I inclose a copy, bearing date, it will be seen, the 1st of May, instant, just one week after receiving the Russian manifesto. I have had occasion more than once in these dispatches to refer to the want of accord on the part of Great Britain with the other powers in their Eastern policy; to her hesitation in joining the consular mission of August, 1875, to the insurgents of Bosnia and the Herzegovina, and in adhering to the Andrassy note of December 30,1875, and her refusal to co-operate in the policy of the so-called Berlin memorandum of May, 1876 (No. 89, August 10 1876); to her possibly divided counsels in the conference of December last (No. 113, December 26, 1876, and No. 126, January 30, 1877); to the cautionary declaration of the Earl of Derby before signing the Protocol of March 31, 1877 (No. 147, April 25, 1877).

I have found myself unable to resist the conviction that, but for the apparently antagonistic attitude of Great Britain toward the other powers, and especially toward Russia, the war would have been averted, and there would have been a settlement of what is usually called the Eastern question—a euphemism, perhaps, for the polity to be pursued by Turkey, with the sanction of the other European powers. Let me not be understood to intimate any want of good faith or open dealing on the part of Her Majesty’s Government, or that any acts or declarations had an ulterior purpose, much less that there was any unavowed agreement with the Sublime Porte. Far from it. What I wish to express is, that Turkish statesmen, seeing the constant dissent I have referred to, and knowing the determination of united England to maintain at all hazards her manufacturing and commercial supremacy, believed that she would not be an indifferent spectator to a conflict which, on the one baud by subjecting Turkey, or any part of it, to the commercial policy of Russia, should endanger her best and most profitable customer; and on the other, by giving the great northern power access through the Turkish waters to the public seas, should create a troublesome rival, not to speak of imaginary perils to the Indian Empire. This belief encouraged them to reject the Berlin memorandum, the proposals of the conference, and the protocol even to the ultimate reason of war, secure beforehand of a vigorous moral support in Great Britain, and of a timely intervention, if necessary, to avert a final disaster.

A reply to the Russian manifesto has been published by the Sublime Porte in the form of a circular addressed by the Sultan to the several valis (governors-general) of the provinces, of which are inclosed translations in French and in English. The tone is much the same, it will be seen, as that of the reply of his excellency Safvet Pasha to the protocol of March 31, 1877.

Meanwhile diplomatic relations with the Sublime Porte have been resumed by Germany, Austria, Hungary, and Italy. On the 17th instant the Austrian-Lloyd’s steamer from Trieste brought with her passengers their excellencies Count Corti, the Italian envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary; Count Zichy, the Austro-Hungarian ambassador ) and the Prince Henry VII Reuss, who succeeds Baron Werther as the ambassador of Germany. Their reception was very impressive: only less so than that accorded to the new British ambassador on his arrival a month previous. Of all the signatory powers to the protocol, France alone has failed, up to this time, to renew the intercourse suspended at the close of the conference in January last. This may be due, probably is, to the recent changes in the French administration. Of course it is not intended to include Russia in this category. She broke her diplomatic relations simultaneously with the declaration of war.

I have, &c.,

the berlin memorandum.

Memorandum of a conference between the Emperors of Austria Hungary, Germany, and Russia, held in Berlin in May, 1876.

[Translation.]

The alarming tidings which come from Turkey are of a nature to impel the three cabinets to draw closer their intimacy.

The three imperial courts have deemed themselves called upon to concert amongst themselves measures for averting the dangers of the situation with the concurrence of the other great Christian powers.

It appears to them that the existing state of affairs in Turkey demands a double series of measures. It seems to them of primary importance that Europe should consider the general means necessary to guard against the recurrence of events similar to those which have recently taken place at Salonica, and the repetition of which is threatened at Smyrna and Constantinople. To effect this the great powers should, in their opinion, come to an understanding as to the measures to be taken to insure the safety of their own subjects and of the Christian inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire, at ail points where it may be found to be endangered.

It would appear possible to attain this end by a general agreement concerning dispatch of vessels of war to the menaced points, and by the adoption of combined instructions to the commanders of those vessels in cases where circumstances might require armed co-operation on their part with the object of maintaining order and tranquillity. Nevertheless this end would be but imperfectly attained if the primary cause of those disturbances were not removed by the prompt pacification of Bosnia and the Herzegovina.

The great powers have already united in this view upon the initiative taken in the dispatch of the 30th of December last, with the object of obtaining an effective amelioration in the condition of the populations of these countries without interfering with the political status quo. They demanded of the Porte a programme of reforms destined to answer this double purpose. The Porte, deferring to this demand, declared itself firmly resolved to execute these reforms, and communicated this officially to the cabinets. The latter thereby acquire a moral right, that of watching over the accomplishment, and an obligation, that of insisting that the insurgents and refugees should second this work of pacification by terminating the struggle and returning to their homes.

Nevertheless, this programme of pacification, though it has been adopted in principle by both parties, has encountered a twofold obstacle.

The insurgents have declared that past experience forbids them to trust the promises of the Porte without a positive material European guarantee.

The Porte, on its side, has declared that as long as the insurgents were scouring the country in arms, and the refugees did not return to their homes, it was materially impossible for it to proceed to the new organization of the country.

In the mean time hostilities have resumed their course. The agitation engendered by this strife of eight months has extended to other parts of Turkey. The Mussulman populations have been thereby led to conclude that the Porte had only apparently deferred to the diplomatic action of Europe, and that at heart it did not intend seriously to apply the promised reforms. Thence arose a revival of religious and political passions, which has contributed to cause the deplorable events of Salonica and the menacing overexcitement which manifests itself at other points of European Turkey.

Nor is it doubtful that in its turn this explosion of fanaticism reacts on men’s minds in Bosnia and Herzegovina as in the neighboring principalities.

For the Christians in these countries must have been keenly impressed by the fact of the massacre of the European consuls in open day, in a peace.ful town, under the eyes of powerless authorities; how then can they be induced to trust themselves to the goodwill of Turks irritated by a protracted and sanguinary struggle?

Were this state of affairs to be prolonged the risk would thus be incurred of seeing that general conflagration kindled which the mediation of the great powers was precisely intended to avert.

It is most essential, therefore, to establish certain guarantees of a nature to insure beyond doubt the loyal and full application of the measures agreed upon between the powers and the Porte. It is more than ever urgent to press the government of the Sultan to decide on setting itself seriously to work to fulfill the engagements it has contracted toward Europe.

As the first step in this direction the three imperial courts propose to insist with the Porte, with all the energy that the united voice of the three powers should possess, on a suspension of arms being effected for the term of two months. This interval would enable action to be brought to bear simultaneously on the insurgents and the refugees, to inspire them with confidence in the vigilant solicitude of Europe; on the neighboring principalities, to exhort them not to hinder this attempt at conciliation; and, finally, on the Ottoman Government, to place it in a position to carry out its promises. By this means the way might be opened for direct negotiations between the Porte and the Bosnian and Herzegovinian delegates, on the basis of the wishes the latter have formulated, and which have been deemed fit to serve as starting-points for a discussion.

These points are as follows:

• That materials for the reconstruction of dwelling-houses and churches should be furnished to the returned refugees; that their subsistence should be assured to them till they could support themselves by their own labor.
• In so far as the distribution of help should appertain to the Turkish commissioner, he should consult as to the measures to be taken with the mixed commission mentioned in the note of the 30th of December, to guarantee the bona fide application of the reforms and control their execution. This commission should be presided over by a Herzegovinian Christian, and be composed of natives faithfully representing the two religions of the country. They should be elected as soon as the armistice should have suspended hostilities.
• In order to avoid any collision, advice should be given at Constantinople to concentrate the Turkish troops, at least until excitement has subsided, on some points to be agreed upon.
• Christians as well as Mussulmans should retain their arms.
• The consuls or delegates of the powers shall keep a watch over the application of the reforms in general, and on the steps relative to the repatriation in particular.

If, with the friendly and cordial support of the great powers, and by the help of an armistice, an arrangement could be concluded on these bases, and be set in train immediately by the return of the refugees and the election of the mixed commission, a considerable step would be made toward pacification.

If, however, the armistice were to expire without the efforts of the powers being successful in attaining the end they have in view, the three imperial courts are of opinion that it would become necessary to supplement their diplomatic action by the sanction of an agreement with a view to such efficacious measures as might appear to be demanded, in the interest of general peace, to check the evil and prevent its development.

the address of his majesty the sultan on the declaration of war.

* * * * * * *

The Russian Government has broken its relations with and declared war against us. From all sides the armies have invaded our frontier. Relying upon the aid and favor of God, the dispenser of victory in just causes, and upon the spiritual assistance of the Prophet, we see ourselves obliged to resort to arms.

As all our subjects very well know, the Russians, ever cherishing a spirit of ambition and of covetousness toward our states, have never ceased watching for an occasion to attack us.

The insurrection which broke out two years ago in Herzegovina, the fruit of the pernicious seed which they there sowed, served them as an instrument for kindling the flame of revolt among the Bulgarian inhabitants of the vilayets of the Danube and Adrianople, and likewise in Servia and Montenegro. Wholly creating these troubles among us, they have sought by calumnious accusations to render public opinion hostile to us. It is a matter of public notoriety that, animated with the most peaceful sentiments, we have never declined to listen to the counsels of the friendly powers.

But our enemy makes it appear the purpose he follows is nothing but the annihilation of our independence, our rights, and of our country itself, and he cannot be satisfied so long as he has not attained it. Finally, to-day he attacks us, contrary to right and with no legitimate motive.

The Supreme Judge, who protects right and justice, let us hope, will accord us victory and safety.

By reason of this aggression of the enemy our state is placed in a difficult situation, which, as history attests, cannot be compared to any of the crises through which, until the present time, the country has passed.

Consequently, in my character as khalif and sovereign, I appeal to the union and the moral and material accord of all the children of the country, who, in the interest of their common right, of which, in this country, they enjoy full liberty, are in duty bound to place themselves on their guard against this enemy of liberty, who has smothered the language, the faith, and the religion of so many peoples who to-day groan under his oppression.

Since my accession to the throne my sole and principal care has been the liberty and prosperity of all the Osmanlis, and the preservation of our rights and our independence. The constitution that I have promulgated with this end is the incontestable proof of this. By way of retaliation I only demand of you fidelity and loyalty to your duty as subjects, and your concord and union for the preservation of the rights and the independence of the country.

Consequently, taking the example of your brother soldiers, who labored with courage and bravery, even to the sacrifice of their life, to safely guard the rights and honor of the Osmanlis against the aggression of the enemy, and believing that in everything your Sovereign is with you, it is incumbent upon you to be united and ready for sacrifices for the safety of the land, to never forget that you are all children of the same country, and to defend the wealth, the life, and the honor of your compatriots as you would defend your own property, life, and honor.

I ought to add, further, that the greatest honor in the world is for a man to love his country and to fulfill the duties which devolve upon him by reason of this love.

You will show to all that you can march in the steps of your fathers and your ancestors when the safety of the rights and the independence of the common country is concerned, and I trust you will be proud of each drop of blood our enemy, contrary to all right, compels us to spill for the preservation of our honor.

On the other hand, our enemy, pretending that the Mussulmans have certain bad intentions against their fellow-citizens professing other religions, puts forward the pretense of taking these citizens under his exclusive protection by declaring the imperial government responsible for every prejudicial act of the latter.

I am convinced that all faithful subjects, continuing to live together in perfect concord as brothers and compatriots will give a formal denial to this false idea.

Although at war with the power who has wished to bring reproach upon bur rights and independence, our relations with the other friendly powers have suffered no alteration.

I recommend to you, then, the people of’ these powers who may come into our states as travelers or as merchants. / You will give your attention to it that nothing the least prejudicial shall happen to them, and that everywhere they may enjoy the most perfect security.

You are requested to publish these presents to all mutessarifs and caïmacams of the sandjaks and cazas, to the mudirs and functionaries of the province, and to the whole population placed under your jurisdiction, and act in accordance.