FRED FRANKENBERG auf TILLOWITZ, Member of the Reichstag to their government, March 9, 1875

To Catholics who are true to their government.

When, about a year and a half ago, a number of Catholics who remained true to their government signed a joint address to His Majesty the Emperor, declaring their submission to the new church-laws, this first step led me to hope that a further reconciliation would be possible with men who had been able to take a calm view of things during the unfortunate struggle, and who had maintained their independence.

His Majesty duly appreciated the stand taken by these Catholics, and Prince Bismarck said to me: “This is the first drop of oil that has been thrown upon the troubled waters of this unhappy contest.”

I prepared a circular addressed to those who thought as I did, and sent it to a few prominent men with a request that they would give me their opinion upon it.

It read as follows:

“The Catholics of Germany are now divided into two parties, ultramontanes and those who are loyal to their government. Thoroughly organized, well disciplined, and shrewdly managed by the Jesuits, the ultramontane party has become a power in the empire, which inspires statesmen and the entire non-Catholic population with the gravest apprehensions. It sends its representatives to all legislative bodies in large numbers, and controls a blindly-subservient party-press, both in the large cities an d in the provinces. It has spread a net of societies of all kinds throughout the length and breadth of the land, and every day we hear of meetings, addresses, contributions of money, and agitations, from Upper Silesia to Treves, from Posen to the Bavarian Alps, and beyond the latter to the Vatican itself.

“In sad contrast to this, we see the Catholics who are loyal to their government without leaders, without organization, without a press, without governing principles, without any sort of union—an unnumbered, unknown, inactive, impotent mass. And yet the highest and most sacred interests of these very Catholics are at stake.

“The state does not trust them, and places them in the same category with the ultramontanes. It removes them from influential positions, or does not suffer them to reach them. Non-Catholic citizens turn from the supposed enemies of the empire with distrust, or even with aversion and hostile feeling. Meanwhile, the ultramontanes persecute each one of us who does not swear by their flag with all the hatred that is inspired by blind fanaticism.

“The state inevitably strikes loyal as well as disloyal Catholics by its severe preventive laws, and by its stern measures against hierarchical encroachments.

“The ultramontanes, however, injure our church still more through the mischievous desire to rule which is entertained by the Jesuits, to whom they passionately adhere.

“Thus it is that the moderate Catholics are crowded into the very worst situation by all the forces of church, state, and society.

“If this is the case now, what a prospect presents itself for the future!

“The determination of the contending powers between which we stand naturally increases with the increasing excitement and passion of their partisans. The Jesuit party preaches a crusade against modern governments, and directs its whole force against the German Empire. We must expect the most ultra measures to he adopted by it, for the purpose of bringing about a new Canossa. Borne, hard pushed on every side, will not hesitate to adopt any measure, no matter how wild or extravagant. The state, meanwhile, being thus attacked, may easily be compelled to use its great power, even unjustly and violently, and to oppress us seriously. War has been declared, and what does a state of war not justify, demand, and excuse? These certainly are prospects which must render every one deeply anxious, who means to act uprightly toward both his country and his church.

“But whose fault is this? Let us confess the truth frankly, for nothing but the unvarnished truth can help us. We ourselves, and we only, are to blame. Things would never have gone as far as they have, if the loyal Catholics had not stood inactive and still, while the ultramontanes were working with indefatigable activity and astonishing boldness.

“Had we opposed them with anything like their own energy, they would never have been able to intimidate and fanaticize the clergy, of both high and low degree, and to mislead and bewilder the people, as they have done.

“We left the inconvenient and unpleasant fight to be fought by the non-Catholics and by the state. They, however, have not to the same extent the right, nor do they possess the same ability, to fight the ultramontanes that we do.

“Timidity and indifference are the great evils from which we suffer.

“Both can be removed, if we only have the will to do so.

“Timidity disappears as soon as the oppressive feeling of isolation has been dispelled. Indifference ceases when lofty objects stand clearly before the soul.

“The first thing to be done, therefore, by Catholics who are loyal to their government, is to find each other out, to know each other, to stand side by side, and to be united.

“Their numbers are immense; we feel it, we know it; all that is needed is to find out where they are.

“The undersigned have therefore undertaken the task of drawing the line of demarkation between the ultramontane and the national Catholics, and call upon all Catholics who think as they do to join them.

“Entertaining the full conviction that a Catholic Christian can fulfill his whole duty under the government of a modern state, which grants equal rights to all, without doing any violence to his conscience, we beg our co-religionists to join us on the following basis:

• “1. In the present fight against the German Empire, which has been brought about by the ultramontanes and the Jesuitical party, we stand firmly by our country.
• “2. We acknowledge the right of the empire, as well as of each particular state, to draw the line of demarkation, by legislation, between church and state.
• “3. We are opposed to the principle of the separation of church and state.
• “4. We disapprove the attempts of the clergy to use their honorable office for political purposes, and the preaching by them of resistance to the laws of the state by the people. This we shall everywhere resolutely oppose.
• “5. We desire the restoration of harmony with our non-Catholic fellow-citizens and with our own co-religionists on the basis of liberty of conscience and Christian charity.

“The undersigned are firmly convinced that the mischievous development of the fierce contest into which our country has been drawn will be prevented by the earnest and resolute action of a number of Catholics who are united on the above basis. The state will respect and listen to its true and loyal subjects on the difficult ground of ecclesiastico-political legislation.

“Our non-Catholic fellow-citizens will gladly return to a state of peace with those Catholics who earnestly desire it. Our views and wishes will again command respect in public life.

“The power of the ultramontanes will be destroyed, for they are strong only through our weakness.

“A great reward is thus held out to us for our exertions to benefit the state and our religion at the same time. Who can falter when such a prize is offered?”

The Germania did me the favor, for which I am duly grateful, of publishing the document—committing a breach of confidence in so doing—and I soon learned, without any trouble, what I had to depend upon.

The time had not yet arrived for an open union of the moderate elements; people answered with ifs and huts; some were obliged to have regard to peculiar circumstances, others had done enough in signing the address, others feared excommunication. (This fear was perhaps not without foundation, for the ultramontane journals and chaplains, who had nothing better to do, vied with each other in hurling shafts of excommunication, both great and small, in genuine Christian charity, at those of their brethren in the faith who had declared their intention to obey the laws of the state Not one of our bishops uttered a word against these proceedings.)

I now renew my warning to all Catholics who remain true to their government, and especially to my Prussian countrymen, since I can now point to the fact that events have corroborated all that I said, and that my predictions have been fulfilled in the most striking manner.

I renew it at a moment when the hour for every man to decide has audibly struck. The ultramontane party, under the leadership of the bishop who is most irreconcilably hostile to Prussia, has succeeded in pushing back the hand that was even quite recently held out for reconciliation by the Pope, (this is true, though the ultramontanes may deny it a thousand times over,) and in cajoling the old man, who is so basely deceived and kept from communication with the outside world, into issuing a manifesto which has caused the most unbounded joy in their camp, but grief and despondency in the hearts of the German Catholics. I read with shame that the proclamation of Pius IX, whereby he absolves us Prussian Catholics from obedience to a number of laws, all of which he declares null and void, without enumerating or naming them, is declared by the Catholic press to be an inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and as binding upon the conscience for the sake of everlasting salvation.

Our bishops are silent concerning this encyclical, and they are silent also concerning this unheard of blasphemy of the press. Ought not those Catholics, then, who do not belong to the ultramontane army to raise their voices?

A highly estimable Catholic said, in the Post of March 5: “Inquisitorial proceedings on the part of the government against Catholics, based on the suspicion of their disloyalty, would be unbecoming the dignity of a strong government.” With this view I fully agree, but I think at the same time that it is all the more evidently the duty of loyal Catholics to declare their unflinching loyalty voluntarily and unmistakably. Or shall we allow full swing to the ultramontanes just at the present time, when,, penetrating into both palace and hovel, they are carrying around an address to the Pope, for which they are obtaining signatures from deluded believers by a shrewd use of their well-known artifices—an address in which the blindest obedience to the Pope and the most malignant bitterness toward the fatherland find expression; an address which, having received the approval of the prince bishop as regards its circulation in the diocese of Breslau, is now lauded to the skies in the very paper which, a few weeks since, combated, with cynical impudence, the divine right of the Pope to dethrone princes.

The government has already dealt a powerful blow in reply to the proclamation from the Vatican. Still heavier blows are in reserve, and no power will restrain the hand that is to deal them. When the whirlwind which the ultramontanes have sown really bursts forth, the heavenly hosts will no more rush to their aid than did the expected angels descend to defend Rome in the breach of the Porta Pia.

There is but one means of escape from this terrible situation, and that is the union of all Catholics who have kept aloof from ultramontane fanaticism. This union must take place for the purpose of forming the nucleus of that Catholic movement which will bring about a reconciliation between church and state, because it must bring it about.

The German bishops recently made the following solemn declaration: “The immoral and despotic principle that the command of a superior absolves, unconditionally, from personal responsibility, has never been received by the Catholic Church.”

This is a powerful appeal to the consciences of all German Catholics for the present crisis. If they obey Rome in political matters, and refuse obedience to their Emperor and their country, they do it on their own responsibility. But can the Catholics longer defer the making of an open declaration? Will a declaration be worth anything by and by, which is not made freely and voluntarily? Shall we wait until we can make it only under the appearance of pressure and compulsion? That would be totally unworthy of us, and would give a very unfavorable impression concerning us. Let us, freely and of our own accord, range ourselves on the side of our Emperor and our fatherland!

I trust that my warning may not again be without lasting effect. The Germania, some time since, derisively called me “one crying in the wilderness.” I am proud of this honorable title, for that crier prepared the way for the victory of salvation and for the triumph of truth.