Extracts from sundry Madrid journals, having reference to the presentation of the congratulations of the United States Congress to the Government of the Spanish Republic, May 3, May 4, 1873
Extracts from sundry Madrid journals, having reference to the presentation of the congratulations of the United States Congress to the Government of the Spanish Republic, May 3, 1873.
The lack of space prevents us from reproducing in full the speeches made yesterday at the reception of General Sickles.
We cannot, however, refrain from publishing the most important paragraph in the speech of the minister of the United States, in which the complete assimilation of the transatlantic provinces is asked for without any disguise.
This paragraph is as follows:
“Enjoying free institutions, their allegiance happily reconciled with liberty, Cuba and Porto Rico will contribute more than ever to the power of Spain, and they will find in the justice, permanence, and strength of the republic of which they form a part the best assurances of their tranquillity and prosperity.”
It seems just for us also to copy the paragraphs in which the government of the republic replies to this insinuation:
“The republic desires to see all its citizens in the enjoyment of all their rights, and at the same time it will maintain intact the integrity of the national domain; and to attain these great ends it will spare no sacrifice.
“Your people and your Government see this clearly. In those days when your war, so admirably ended by the fall of Richmond, rent the American people in twain, we on the shores of the Old World ardently hoped and prayed that the United States, that living example of liberty and democracy, might not be lessened or eclipsed in any atom of its strength.
“The American nation doubtless now has a like interest in that the national domain shall not be impaired in our hands.
“The utterances of that great people, repeated in your most eloquent discourse, assure us that you desire to see the Spanish nation strong in its unity, and resolved to found in its European and American dominions the three great elements of progress —liberty, democracy, and the republic.”
[2. From La República Democrática, (Radical opposition organ of Mr. Echegary,) May 4, 1873.]
Mr. Sickles, the representative of the United States, was yesterday received in solemn public audience, that he might deliver the congratulations of the Congress of his country to the Spanish government on the adoption of the new institutions and the passage of the bill for the abolition of slavery. The reception took place, as on the former occasion, when the same minister plenipotentiary announced the recognition of the Spanish Republic, in the elegant reception-room of the executive mansion. A company of engineers, with music and flag, did the honors, as usual, and the acting secretary of state, on account of the indisposition of Mr. Morayta, introduced Mr. Sickles. Both on the arrival and at the departure of the latter the band played an American march.
After his official reception he spent a few moments in friendly conversation with the ministers.
In his speech, in which he confined himself to stating the object for which he had been introduced, he remarked that the abolition of slavery gave evidence that our country was actuated by a genuine love of liberty and a just respect for the rights of man; that as Cuba and Porto Rico are bound to the United States by ties of extensive commercial relations, the fate of those islands cannot be regarded with indifference by them, and that he hoped that democratic institutions would increase the tranquillity and happiness of those islands, which form an integral part of the Spanish nation.
Mr. Figueras, in his reply, was very outspoken, and made it evident that the government is fully determined to spare no sacrifice to maintain the prosperity and happiness of our transatlantic provinces.
[3. From La Igualdad, (Federal Republican,) May 4.]
Yesterday, at the executive palace, took place the solemn and highly important act of the reception of the minister of the United States, General Sickles, who had been commissioned by the President of that powerful and prosperous republic to transmit to the President the message which the North American Senate and House of Representatives, in the name of the American people, had resolved to address to the people of Spain on the establishment of the republic.
The noble and lofty attitude assumed by the North American people toward Spain is of immense importance to our country; and this message from the Congress of a nation which has become, if not the first, at least one of the most enlightened and powerful nations of the world, in view of its spontaneity and elevated character, may well cause us to feel flattered as Spaniards and as republicans, and the present government to feel a just pride, in that it, by its wise policy, has succeeded in a very short space of time in dispelling fatal prejudices to which most serious errors, in times past, gave rise, and in gaining the sympathy, consideration, and moral support, both of the people and of the government of the American continent.
Monarchical Europe, surprised at the birth of the Spanish Republic, appears somewhat suspicious, and keeps aloof from us; not that we have given any reason for fears on her part, for never did a government give friendly powers greater proofs of loyalty, and of an ardent desire to live in peace and harmony with all nations, than have been given by the eminent Castelar in his memorandum, in his brilliant speeches and most eloquent declarations; but the nations of America, of that virgin land which is called to exercise a powerful influence over the destinies of mankind and the progress of civilization, do us justice in sending us a paternal embrace, which we return in token of our eternal gratitude.
The governments of Europe, also, will cease to entertain their groundless prejudices as soon as they become convinced, as the people whom they represent already are, that the republic which we have proclaimed, far from being a source of discord or perturbation, is a pledge of peace, order, and happiness at home, and of fraternity and concord with all nations.
We will not close this article without calling the attention of our readers to the frank and loyal declarations made in his speech of yesterday by the worthy representative of the United States in favor of the integrity of the Spanish nation, and of the close, solid, and durable union of Cuba and Porto Rico to the mother country. These declarations, with which the upright policy of the North American Government is in full accord, have put an end at once and forever to all the calumnies, falsehoods, and perfidious innuendoes whereby the reactionists kept no small part of the population in continual alarm, inasmuch as this class was ready to believe reports of the most absurd character, fully believing, perhaps, that our country was in danger, and that, the loss of our beloved Antilles was imminent.
From this day forward they will not even have a pretext for imposing upon the good faith of honest people. The integrity of our country can be exposed to no danger so long as it has the republic for its shield, and the proverbial bravery of all Spaniards for its bulwark.
After reading his speech, and listening to the President’s reply, Mr. Sickles cordially shook hands with the ministers who were present, and thus this most important ceremony terminated.
[4. From La Epoca, (Alphonsist,) May 4, 1873.]
In the relations of the Spanish nation with foreign powers everything seems very proper to us that indicates respect for our sovereign decisions, and recognition of whatever Spain in the exercise of her sovereignty may see fit to decree in matters relating to her domestic affairs. Applause and approval, however, of concrete acts of the powers that be should be received with distrust, because those who applaude exercise the attribute of the critic and the judge, and, by criticising and judging, reserve to themselves, in a manner, the right of censuring whenever they may think censure called for rather than praise.
Mr. Castelar had told us that, in the question of the abolition of slavery, it was necessary to tolerate the expression, on the part of the United States, of their opinion and some suggestions, because this question is one of an international and humanitarian character. The opinions and suggestions now, however, refer not only to the question of slavery, but also to the form of government which is to exist in Spain, as is seen by the documents which the Gazette publishes to-day, and which we publish in another column, giving an account of the message presented by the representative of the United States to our government, and of the reply of the latter. Is the question of the establishment of the republic in Spain also humanitarian and international? Have foreign powers a voice and vote in this also? Are they not all prepared to receive the sovereign decisions of the Spanish people with respect?
Although not one of the monarchies of Europe, nor the French Republic, has recognized the recent political change in our country, the proper course for our government to pursue is to assume no character in presence of foreigners other than that of the representative of the Spanish nation, separating such character entirely from that of any political party, which in foreign relations can he easily done.
However, we find no fault with the executive on account of the diplomatic ceremony of yesterday. In fact, it was not possible for him not to receive the congratulations sent him by the Senate and Congress of the United States. We are, moreover, happy to see that the language of his reply was decidedly patriotic.
The American Senate, in its session of March 25, resolved to inform Spain with what pleasure it has seen the colored population of Porto Rico raised to the rights and privileges of Spanish citizens. It is seen that in the United States the same height of puritanism has not yet been reached as in Spain as regards autonomy, individual sovereignty, and the absolute right of each citizen; for we see that they still speak there admiringly of the acquisition of privileges, a word which no political man in our free and democratic Spain would dare to utter or to write.
The speech delivered by the representative of the United States at Madrid embraces not a few more points than the resolutions adopted by the Senate and Congress at Washington. Those bodies confined themselves to congratulating themselves and congratulating Spain on the establishment of the republic and the passage of the law for the abolition of slavery in Porto Rico. General Sickles goes much further. He decides at once a question which, to us Spaniards, appears very difficult, viz: What are the political opinions of our people during the present moments of confusion and anarchy? For him it is a settled thing that our country is anxious above everything for republican institutions. He speaks not only of Porto Rico, as do the legislative bodies at Washington, but of the two Spanish Antilles. And although he concludes his speech by acknowledging Cuba and Porto Rico as forming an integral part of the Spanish republic, he does so after forming his opinion concerning the guarantees which he thinks he finds in democratic institutions.
As this is rain falling on wet ground, as no Spaniard who loves his country has forgotten those diplomatic notes and that message of General Grant, in which the Anglo-American Government and its representative at Madrid counseled and urged the Spanish ministers to introduce such political reforms into Cuba as suited them, the language used yesterday by General Sickles seems to us worthy of study and of correction.
Mr. Castelar was doubtless of the same opinion when he drew up his reply, in which he reminds General Sickles, more than once, that the Spanish people is jealous of its autonomy and its independence; affirms that the republic desires the integrity of the national territory; resolutely declares that the United States, by reason of their own antecedents, must desire the Spainish nation to be preserved intact, and, with all clearness, alluding to the remark of Mr. Sickles that the two Antilles form a part of the republic, adds that they do, indeed, form a part of the republic, but also of our country. Everybody knows that it is within the bounds of possibility that our country may last longer than the present republic, in which case it is very necessary that it be henceforth understood that the speeches published in the Gazette of to-day will possess no value.
[5. From La Politica, (moderate,) May 5, 1873.]
On our first page our readers will find the speeches read on Saturday at the reception of the minister of the United States, which was held for the purpose of enabling him to present the resolutions adopted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Union on the proclamation of a republic in Spain.
[The rest of this article is copied verbatim from the above article from the Epoca, beginning at the fifth paragraph with the words “The speech delivered by the representative of the United States at Madrid,” and continuing to the end.]
6. From El Diario Español, May 5, 1873, (conservative Alfonsino, edited by Ex-Governor Lopez Roberts, of Havana.)]
the reception of mr. sickles.
The proverb says that a drowning man will catch at a straw. Thus it is that in the diplomatic shipwreck which our country is suffering to-day the executive clutches the straw thrown out by Mr. Sickles. Having no one else to receive, because no European power has as yet recognized the Spanish Republic, he receives the representative of the United States. The latter avails himself of every occasion, and the government accepts any event with enthusiasm, so that the trumpets of fame may resound in honor of the hero of the feast.
Whenever an inhabitant of Madrid sees a company of soldiers, with music and flag, at the door of the presidential palace, he need not ask what it means. It is because the government is receiving Mr. Sickles. There is music because the United States send congratulations on account of the triumph of the Spanish Republic; music because the United States recognize the new form of government; music because the United States applaud the abolition of slavery. And the coaches of the ministry come and go, and the ministers dress up in swallow-tailed coats and white cravats, and Mr. Sickles goes up and down the steps of the presidential mansion with the messages of his government.
Mean time the other embassadors keep their own counsel and smack their lips at the discomfiture of our poor country, and European powers shrug their shoulders at the pretensions of our minister of state.
We see to-day in our diplomatic corps what we saw when the Soberano was the only vessel that we had. It was not necessary to mention its name. It was sufficient to say the vessel, and everybody knew what vessel was meant. So now, when any one says the embassador, everybody understands that Mr. Sickles is meant, because the others are simply the chargés d’affaires of their respective countries, without being in any wise accredited to the government of the republic.
Thus it is that what one would expect to see divided among all is offered to Mr. Sickles alone, and the solemn receptions have consequently been repeated within a very short time.
The worst of the business is that when Mr. Grant, President of the republic of the United States, takes it into his head to address a few covert or open menaces (for they come of all kinds) to our government, in relation to Cuban affairs, we keep as mum as dead men, and do not receive Mr. Sickles, in order that he may send a report of our indifference or our energy to his chief.
Even in the speech so recently read by the representative of that republic, it is easy to see a desire to meddle with the affairs of Spain, as regards our transatlantic possessions, and all the acts and all the sayings of the Government of the United States go to show that, as far as those affairs are concerned, we live here under its guardianship. This is all that attracts our attention, and that leads us to think about the cordial relations between the two governments.
As to the rest, of what importance was it to us whether Mr. Grant approved or disapproved the proclamation of the Spanish Republic, or whether Mr. Sickles came and went as often as he chose, with music or without it, to the presidential mansion? This thing will gradually, by dint of repetition, assume the comic character of all the acts of the young republic, and will probably at last furnish a subject for the songs of the boys in the street.
This interference in our transatlantic affairs is now becoming a matter of history. The United States desire the independence of Cuba, and important documents exist, which accredit this fact, from the speeches and notes of President Grant to the dispatches and conversations of representative Sickles. If it were not for this desire, what interest would these gentlemen have in sending such enthusiastic congratulations, or why would they give occasion for the calling out of a company of soldiers every now and then to do the honors of a reception to the American representative? Certainly Mr. Grant and the other indirect protectors of filibusterism did not go into such ecstacies over the proclamation of the republic, in France. What they care for is not that European nations should have this or that form of government, but that the peoples of America should obtain their independence, and they think that the shortest road to this is through the much desired autonomy, whereby those peoples will finally be separated from the mother-country.
Mr. Grant knows very well what he is about, and well does Mr. Sickles second his plans here. The government of the Spanish Republic, not being accustomed to having a word of sympathy addressed to it by other nations, is like a child with a new pair of shoes whenever the American embassador informs it that he is going to present a congratulation or greeting from his Government. Our government slowly swallows the pill, which is sent to it coated over with half a dozen high-sounding phrases, and meanwhile the snow-ball is being prepared for independence, which is the mother of the lamb and the soul of the whole business.
At the very time when the recent reception of Mr. Sickles was being held, we received the sad news from Porto Rico which announced a rebellion that had fortunately been put down, but which may be but a prelude to more serious conflicts. While everything was being arranged here with congratulations and hand-shakings, there the good and loyal lovers of Spain saw the safety of the country threatened and public order disturbed. But what does Mr. Sickles or President Grant care for that?
Let the government have a little more ambition in matters relating to its diplomatic affairs, and let it try if it cannot get the embassadors of France and England, Russia and Germany, and of the other great powers of Europe to recognize and congratulate it, for certain it is that so long as it shall be content with the receptions of Mr. Sickles we shall have made no great progress as regards the future of our country.
[7. From La Discussion, (republican ministerial,) May 6, 1873.]
The conservative newspapers are again talking about the intervention of the United States in our internal affairs, in view of the recent diplomatic act of Mr. Sickles, minister of the great republic. All appear indignant, and protest against the interference of the American cabinet. These are the same papers that speak with pleasure of a European intervention, “our plank of salvation.” And they are ashamed that a friendly republic should advise us to abolish slavery and to maintain a republican form of government, and they do not hide their faces when they copy from La Politica Europea the false intelligence concerning intervention by the powers of Europe. Intervention for the purpose of crushing out liberty, that is great and does us honor; intervention for the purpose of giving us good advice, that brings dishonor upon us.