Charles Francis Adams to William H. Seward, September 29, 1864

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

Sir: In my despatch No. 787, of the 22d instant, sent last week, I referred to the extraordinary efforts making to procure signatures to an address to the people of the United States in favor of peace. I have since that time received such information as convinces me that it comes from the fruitful source of all similar movements—the rebel emissaries themselves.

I transmit herewith a printed copy of the paper, as it was originally prepared, (No. 1,) and likewise of the corrected proof, as it was finally issued, (No. 2.) Both bear, as well in the omissions as in the substitutions, decided ear-marks of their origin.

Our vigilant British friends in Manchester, needing no prompting whatever from American sources, promptly issued and circulated a paper in counteraction of the movement—a copy of which is also transmitted, (No. 3.)

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

[No. 1, first copy corrected proof.]

FOR PEACE IN AMERICA.

The people of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to the people of the United States, greeting :

We are of the same race, and many of you are our brothers. Can we not, therefore, come to you as peacemakers, and address you as friends? We would ask you, has there not been of strife and bloodshed, and misery and suffering, enough; and is it not time to cease the cruel war in which you are engaged? We believe there is not a Christian man or woman amongst us whose heart does not respond affirmatively to this question. With this conviction we wish to speak to you as plain men, using plain language. We have admired your free institutions, and have gladly witnessed your rise as a people to eminence in wealth and political power. (You are of the Saxon blood, and we hoped that you would make the New World renowned for true greatness.) You promised to become one mighty people and a great nation, famed for the liberties of its citizens, the triumphs of peace, and the conquests of its commerce. We felt that you were doing honor to the “mother country.” When, therefore, this unfortunate war began, our hearts were more inclined towards you than towards your sister States, because we believed with you that the action of the south was but the work of a faction. The events of the struggle, however, have convinced us that a more united people than those of the southern States never rose up in defence of their rights.

When you asserted that secession was the work of disappointed ambition, and promised to quell it within sixty days, we accepted your assurances in good faith, and looked for the speedy restoration of peace. We did not wish to see the American Union broken up.

But so far from this promise being fulfilled, (and your efforts to accomplish it have been great, ) peace and the restoration of the Union are apparently more remote than ever.

Surely there must be many now among you who share with us the conviction that it is utterly impossible to subdue the south, or to restore the American Union as it was in the past days of the republic.

You have tried sufficiently, and found the gulf between you and the seceded States to widen with the effort that is made to subdue them.

Is it not time, then, to pause, and after calmly reviewing all that you have accomplished, the distance which you have travelled from your well-known landmarks, and the difficulties and dangers that are yet before you, is it not time, we ask, that you should take counsel together as to the best means of restoring peace?

We cannot forget that the question of peace or war was never submitted to you for your serious consideration before hostilities had actually commenced— that they came upon you little by little—and that both government and people found themselves plunged into this fearful contest almost unawares; nor have you as yet had an opportunity of consulting together in general convention for the purpose of making known your opinions and wishes about the war, or any of the vast issues growing out of it.

The war has changed (for the present at least) the character of your government. What has become of the freedom of speech, your free press, and the inestimable right of habeas corpus ?

What, permit us to ask, are the southern people doing beyond following the precepts and example taught and practiced by your fathers and theirs, when they withdrew their allegiance from the mother country and asserted their right to establish a government of their own?

The Declaration of Independence, which you hallow and celebrate every fourth day of July, asserts, as self-evident, the right of the southern people to set up a government of their own.

But we would ask, suppose you should, at the end of another three years and a half, succeed in subduing the south and restoring the union by force of arms, might you not then find out, when it was too late, that those pillars upon which rests your form of government had been violently torn down, and that your own liberties had been buried in the ruins? If you will run the parallel between the south now and the colonies in 1776, and compare the course pursued by the north now and the mother country then, we think you will discover some striking resemblances; and among them, that with you now, as with the crown then, rests the privilege of giving peace to the American continent.

Why not, then, without further delay, recognize the duty which attaches to your high privilege? We appeal to you in the name of religion, humanity, justice, and civilization, and believe that we shall not appeal in vain.

Peace be unto you.

[No. 2, second corrected proof.]

FOR PEACE IN AMERICA.

The people of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to the people of the United States of America:

We are of the same race, and many of you are our brothers. We, therefore, come to you as peacemakers, and address you in plain language as friends and as fellow-men. We ask you, has there not been enough of strife and bloodshed, of misery and suffering; and is it not time to cease the cruel war in which you are engaged? There is not a Christian man or woman amongst us whose heart does not respond affirmatively to this question. We have admired your free institutions, and have gladly witnessed your rise as a people to eminence in wealth and political power. You promised to become one mighty nation, famed for the liberties of its citizens, the triumphs of peace, and the conquests of commerce. When this unfortunate war began, our hearts were more inclined towards you than towards your sister States, because we believed with you that the action of the south was but the work of a faction.

When you asserted that secession was the work of disappointed ambition, and promised to quell it within sixty days, we accepted your assurances in good faith, looking for the speedy restoration of peace, for we did not wish to see the American Union broken up.

But so far from this promise being fulfilled, (and your efforts to accomplish it have been unprecedented in the annals of history, ) peace and the restoration of the Union are apparently as distant as ever.

The events of the struggle have convinced us that a more united people never rose up in defence of their rights than those of the southern States. Surely there must be many now among you who share with us the conviction that it has become utterly impossible to subdue the south, or to restore the American Union as it existed in the past days of the republic.

You have tried sufficiently, and found the gulf between you and the seceded States to widen with each effort that is made to subdue them.

We believe that it is now time for you to pause, and after calmly reviewing all that you have accomplished, the distance which you have travelled from your well-known landmarks, and the difficulties and dangers that are certainly before you, to take counsel together as to the best means of restoring peace.

We cannot forget that the question of peace or war was never submitted for your consideration before hostilities had actually commenced; that they came upon you little by little; that both government and people found themselves plunged into this fearful contest almost unawares, and that you have never been permitted as yet an opportunity of consulting together in general convention, for the purpose of making known your opinions and wishes about the war, or any of the vast issues growing out of it.

We believe that the war has changed (for the present at least) the character of your government. It has swept away your freedom of speech, your free press, and the inestimable right of habeas corpus.

We believe that the southern people are only following the precepts and example taught and practiced by your fathers and theirs, when they withdrew their allegiance from the mother country, and that the Declaration of Independence, which you hallow and celebrate every fourth day of July, asserts, as self-evident, the right of the southern people to set up a government of their own.

We believe that should you, at the end of another three and a half years’ war, succeed in subduing the south and restoring the union by force of arms, you will find out, when it is too late, that those pillars upon which rests your republican form of government have been violently torn down, and that your own liberties have been buried in the ruins. We ask you to compare the course pursued by the south now and the colonies in 1776, with that adopted by the north now and the mother country then, and we think you will discover many striking resemblances.

It is in your hands to give peace to the American continent. The southern States have appealed to you for peace, and to be let alone.

We appeal to you to recognize the duty which attaches to your high privilege, and to make peace with the southern States; and we make this appeal in the name of religion, humanity, civilization, and common justice.

Will you kindly assist to promote peace in America ?

NAME.

ADDRESS.

[Please return the Petition to the address of Mr. T. B. Kershaw, Manchester.]