Charles Francis Adams to William H. Seward, March 13, 1862

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

Sir: In obedience to the instructions contained in your despatch No. 184, of the 14th of February, I have addressed a note to Lord Russell in regard to the conduct of the master of the British steamer General Miramon, a copy of which is herewith transmitted.

It will be perceived that I have ventured to introduce another and a different cause of complaint, which suggested itself to me in the perusal of the report of the discussion in both houses of Parliament on the blockade. I have done so, not in the expectation of effecting any purpose of checking the notorious tendency of the commercial classes, but rather to put on record on the part of the government of the United States the consciousness of its existence; for the time may come when there will be attempts to deny it. There are people in England who still pretend that the complaints which brought on the war of 1812 were ill founded. But for the evidence perpetuated by the official records of the government of the United States this story might become the established faith of the nation. And so it may be in the event of a restoration of our affairs. It will probably be affirmed here that there was a rigid abstinence throughout our time of trial from all attempts to do us injury. In opposition to this, it may be as well to have it in our power to show that, outside of the lines of the rebel States, nearly all the active sympathy and positive assistance has come from the subjects of Great Britain. At this very moment the means which the insurgents have to carry on the war are derived from them, and vessels are fitting out or actually on the way to supply them continually with more.

I transmit a copy of a note just received from Lord Russell, in acknowledgment of mine. It will probably be followed by explanations.

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You will scarcely have failed to observe in the course of the late discussion in both houses of Parliament the nature of the animus that pervades the greater number of members towards the United States. It consists not so much of partiality for one side over the other as of disinclination to both and desire that their political power should be diminished by a permanent separation. Even Lord Russell himself, though perhaps not conscious of the influence that prompts it, distinctly betrays the tendency in his remarks on the blockade. I am told by one of the members that the feelings of the House of Commons were perceptibly with Mr. Gregory in his speech, at the same time that they would not dispute the soundness of the policy of the ministry. It is advisable that the government of the United States should clearly understand this distinction, for upon its adaptation of a system to the emergency will greatly depend the chance of preserving the present position of the two countries towards each other. The successes of the campaign have done much for us. I trust they may continue. But they must not be made to depend merely upon good fortune. The stake is too great here to be risked on the passions of ignorant or inexperienced men at home. If we do not mean to give to the evil-inclined of this hemisphere the opportunity to turn the scale in favor of our enemies in the other, we must take care to adhere to a policy which will, by its ultimate success, prove at once our own capacity to guide the country through its perils and the fallacy of the predictions of failure so confidently paraded by those whose wish is father to the thought.

We now anxiously await the news by every steamer, but not for the same reasons as before. The pressure for interference here has disappeared. It will arise again only in the event of some very decided reverse. Hence we look more for the evidence of sensible and gradual progress than for an immediate triumph. On many accounts this last result would scarcely seem to be desirable, and especially if the attempt to attain it might lead to the possibility of a corresponding reverse.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,