Charles Francis Adams to William H. Seward, April 12, 1866

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

Sir: In order to carry out the purpose mentioned in your despatches Nos. 1717, 1719, and 1723, I asked an interview with Lord Clarendon, which was granted to me yesterday, (Wednesday,) at 3 o’clock.

I began by endeavoring to recall to his memory the different interviews I had had with him on the Fenian disturbances, and the precise position in which the matter stood at each, in order that I might more completely fix in his mind the date of your despatches. This done, I explained the relation which your No. 1709, marked confidential, of the 10th of March, bore to the conversations between us, and the events that have since taken place, as also the reason why you had directed me now to make the communication of that paper to him. All this being understood, I proceeded to read it to him. His lordship appeared to be much gratified by its contents, and asked me if I would let him have it for a short time to show confidentially to his colleagues, as he feared he might not be able to do full justice to its terms if he were to trust only to his memory. I said that as I had been directed to make the communication to him, it seemed to me quite within my authority to accede to his request. I did so with pleasure.

I then remarked that there was still the latter portion of our transactions on this subject my report of which had not reached Mr. Seward at the latest dates. This embraced the assent given by his lordship to the general policy which had been suggested as expedient to regulate the cases that might arise in Ireland out of the Fenian disturbance. I had perceived that it had already been carried out in part by the liberation of several of the persons who had been arrested. To this his lordship assented. He added that it was the disposition of the government to carry out this purpose so far as it could be done consistently with their security. I said I was very glad to learn this, because some difficulties had presented themselves to Mr. Seward in the action taken by the authorities in Ireland, as it appeared from the official correspondence with the consul in Dublin, which might, perhaps, become grave. This more particularly related to the distinction made between the native and naturalized Americans in regard to the degree of Mr. West’s right of access to them. I then read to him the substance of your despatch No. 1717, of the 22d of March. His lordship then went into some reasoning to prove that the government could not, consistently with their theory of allegiance, recognize any right on the part of Mr. West to visit the naturalized Irishmen. Here he repeated much of what he had said in our earlier conversation. I then pointed out to him the inexpediency of raising that when there seemed little necessity for it. The distinction made in these cases was purely invidious and embarrassing to my government, without doing any good to them. It appeared that Mr. West might visit native Americans, but he was not allowed to do the same in the case of Irish-born naturalized citizens. Yet he was permitted to correspond with these last, which virtually conceded the point of communication. Surely, then, the question became reduced to so slight a difference that no serious principle could be involved in the additional concession. If he could write, how would it be worse that he should be able to speak to these people?

His lordship apparently saw the folly of this distinction, and waived further discussion of the matter, as it seemed to me, with an intention quietly to remove the difficulty.

I then called his attention to the case of John A. Commerford, embraced in your despatch No. 1723, of the 26th March. This person had been held to be an Irish naturalized citizen, at Dublin. Such was the reply to Mr. West’s representation in his case. I said I might have made it the subject of a note in form, but I preferred on the whole not to take that course, at least, before I had mentioned the matter to his lordship. The papers connected with the despatch seemed to me pretty well to establish the fact that Mr. Commerford was a native American, and that he was innocent of all evil intention. In which case I strongly hoped that he might be released. I had brought copies of them, which I proposed to leave with his Lordship, if he would permit me, for his consideration; and I hoped that if they produced the same effect on him that they had on me, there would be no further obstacle to his liberation. His lordship said that he would very cheerfully take them, and send them to Ireland for the consideration of the authorities there. There were so many false allegations made by the prisoners on that subject that much suspicion rested on the accuracy of all of them. He did not, however, doubt that if my impression should prove correct, the case would be acted upon at an early moment.

There was some other general conversation upon the course taken towards the government at Washington in the present difficulty. His lordship intimated that much pressure had been put upon members of the cabinet by individuals in both houses of Parliament to bring about some formal remonstrances with us against permitting the Fenian demonstrations to go uncensured. The propriety of a proclamation by the President was suggested. In all these cases he had distinctly declared his policy, which was to abstain from any application to the American government whatever. There had not been a line written to Sir Frederick Bruce to be communicated. So long as no hostile act was attempted in any direction, they preferred to trust the friendly disposition of the government, without embarrassing them by complaints, or by asking for measures which might, if resorted to, do more harm than good, In the present condition of the movement a proclamation might be seized upon by the agitators as a pretext for laying the defeat of their schemes to that cause, and relieving themselves from the odium of their failure. I said that, in my opinion, that was clearly the wisest course. The Fenian movement seemed to me to have no root in the soil in America. With the defeat of all chance in Ireland it could not long flourish there. The prisoners were now all anxious to compound to leave the island, if they could only be released. This I regarded as a sign of complete despair. Under such circumstances the agitation could not be much longer kept up. It was better to let it meet with a natural death.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,