Benjamin Lincoln to John Adams, July 14, 1789

Hingham July 14 th. 1789—

Dear sir

I had the pleasure a few days since of receiving your kind favor of
the 19 th. ult o —

When I first saw the new constitution I was very apprehensive that
the President would not be able to maintain his ground and preserve such a stand, on the
stage of our political theater, as to keep up that equilibrum essential to our enjoying
all those blessings which are derived from a constitution in which the powers of the
first magistrate are sufficient to ballance the other branches. If our constitution
shall, on trial, be found defective in this respect, it should be mended as soon as may
be. In the mean time we ought to be exceedingly attentive that we avoid every thing
which may have a tendency to enervate and reduce those degrees of influence which the
President may derive from the present government. I hope and trust that there will not
exist in either house a wish to invade the right of the other or a desire to press upon
the prerogative of the first Magistrate, their caution, in this point, will have its
influence, and their conduct will give a tone to the actions of the citizens at large,
who ought to know in what their real interest lies, and that the moment they are so far
duped as to put an entire relyance on the popular branch, they may date their ruin; and
they will know, when it is too late, that they have been jockeyed out of their reason
and rights, by men who wanted either better information or better hearts.—

The conduct of our great man is no less painful to us than alarming
to you. He is not, from any thing which appears, an enemy to monarchical powers— He has,
I think, in frequent instances exercised those powers, and is daily pursuing a line of
conduct which will enable him to carry them to a much greater length. The very message
to which you refer, is in my opinion, a proof in point, however paradoxical it may
seem— 1 By his frequent addresses to the
people, through their representatives, and by the trumpeters of his fame they are taught to believe that he is, almost, the only guardian of their rights
now remaining in the commonwealth. With these impressions and under the idea, equally
erroneous, that it is the fixed design of others to enslave them the first hour they
shall have the power of doing it. M r. H—— may sport with the
rights of the people and trample upon our constitution with impunity. When ever his
conduct is arraigned, it is enough for him and his friend, to give out that the
aristocratical junto, as those are stiled who are for a firm energetic government, want
his removal that they may be in the saddle themselves the more easily to execute their
nefarious purposes with success. Many of the people, not the class with which you have
been much connected, seem to consider M r. H—— as the only
man in the commonwealth who can preserve the state in peace and order in freedom and
happiness strange delusion! Such however are the facts and he may now go almost any
lengths in acts of monarchy not limited by any other principle than his policy, that may
suggest to him, (or his friends may do it) the propriety of his keeping within some
bounds.—

As soon as an influential character is discovered in any town, he
must however be on the right side, he is immediately nominated for a justice of the
peace, this line of conduct has filled most of our towns with such officers whose
influence at home, and weight in the house of representatives, many of them find means
to get there, secure to their creator his darling object— I would not be misunderstood
our justices are not all so there are many of them who have not bowed the knee and are
men of pure mind, and independent principles— The next Gentleman who writes a book &
is pointing out the danger of any order of men in the community will not I hope forget
to mention the danger of so liberal, if not wanton, exercise of the power given to our
governour of appointing justices

It is unfortunate for us and it may be so for the Union that such
leading characters as M r. H—— and M r. A—— do not with more cordiality love and embrace the new constitution, they
are considered by many as opposers of it and by all as men wishing for such alterations
as will essentially change it.— 2 They
cannot, I trust, wish its annihilation.— So far as I can judge from all I have seen and
heard they want a constitution which, in my opinion, would be little more than a puppet
and the play thing of the different States. Any thing which looks national or like a
consolidation of the different State is thought to be one of the greatest evils which
can befall us and to be avoided as such— We had better annihilate the new
constitution at once than amuse and deceive the people with false ideas and groundless
expectations which we shall certainly do if we suffer it to be garbled according to the
wishes of all the sticklers for amendments. This will not do a national government we
must have and that soon, I think we shall find it, notwithstanding the exertion of all
its opposers, under our present constitution. If we can but once get our system of
revenue into operation under officers, who shall not know any other rule by which to
regulate their conduct than the laws of their country and shall banish from their minds
every idea of temporizing, and that they are not legislators but meer executors of the
law and can and will sacrifice to their duty every other consideration which may come in
competition there with we shall have made great progress. We have to combat in this
business long and deep rooted prejudices, and to do away the evils which have taken
place in consequence of repeated popular elections— It is said that not more than one
third of the duties are now collected, things must not remain so. No State can exist
without more punctuality frauds in the collection of the revenue must be pregnant with
the most fatal evils as they will render abortive the best devised schemes of the most
able financiers. and will soon destroy that good faith without which no people can
flourish and be happy.—

As soon as our revenue Laws are in full operation, we may consider
the works as nearly done, for if the government is not opposed, in this tender point,
and the officers of it are permitted to do their duty without interruption, as they will
be here I presume, in the first instance, the novelty of the scene will be over and
precedents after, will come in aid of law Besides the moment our long exhausted treasury
shall be replenished, people, friends and foes, will look up to the government with
respect and will flock to our national standard as to that of a successful
potintate.—

I am very happy that the duty on molasses is reduced, I wish it
could be farther so, for the draw back on Rum would have given us trouble, and
especially if our duties could not be collected with more punctuality than such duties
have heretofore been, I hope they will, I hope so because I know it ought to be

Our general Court is in recess If it has not done things which it
ought not to have done and left undone those which it ought to have done I have judged
wrong

I beg you would tender my best regards to M rs. Adams to Col o. Smith & M rs. Smith and / believe me to be towards / you D r. sir all which / esteem, confidence, and / affection can
make / me—

B Lincoln

NB you will, burn the above when you have read it